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EN
The study deals with the somewhat controversial issue of the so-called “clerical fascism”. For this purpose, it summarizes the recent historic-graphical debates on totalitarianism, in particular on “political religions” or rather politicization of religions in the 20th century. The special emphasis is laid on individual clerics who sympathized and collaborated with fascist regimes in Nazi Germany and the Slovak state, respectively. In applying Roger Griffin’s and Thomas Forstner’s typology, two types of attitudes to fascism and National Socialism are discussed: loyalty and active collaboration.
EN
The specific aim of this study is to emphasize the universality of its overall contribution to the renewal of the Church in the realm of pacifism, ecumenism, social teaching of the Church in confrontation with national socialism. The following is the sketch of the fundamentals of his ecclesiology, which are the Kingdom of God - Christ - The Church. In his case it is a Christocentricpneumatological ecclesiology. The author presents the image of the Church as „fraternal community“, which he calls Philadelphia. This vision of the Church seeks to be realized through the community, which plays the role of a small Church in the whole Church (ecclesiola in Ecclesia) and is to be an effective means of its renewal and apostolate in the life of the individual believers and parishes. This renewal supposed to be accomplished through the reigning marks of the Church: unity, holiness, Catholicism and apostolicity, which also represent the spirituality and sacred nature of the order of renewal itself.
EN
The study offers the profile of life and work of M.J. Metzger, priest and martyr at the time of National Socialism in Germany and it presents his personal involvement in the pacifistic movement and in its national and transnational structures. Based on his articles and lectures the article is able to see his tangible encouraging approach and perspective of his theology of peace. Its fundamental elements are constituted by: international reconciliation as a principle of international peace; the foundation of peace is truth, justice, love; upholding of human rights; implementation of Christian politics regarding the overcoming of any nationalism; future federation of European states; peace as a category of the kingdom of God; shared responsibility of all Christians in social and moral questions; the criticism of failure to respond according to the spirit of Gospel; refusing of war and arm race; the peace as a problem of education. The second part of the study is concerned with the enforcement of his attitudes at the time of National Socialism and in consequence his persecution as ideological archenemy of regime, his imprisonment and execution. In the end we offer the ecclesiological and theological valuation of personage, in the last analysis as a significant figure and relevant theologian of the first half of the twentieth century, credited with rebuilding the Church, first of all on the field of ecumenism and practical life of faith of people moving toward a vision of the Church of The Second Vatican Council.
EN
This paper discusses the attempted theft of cultural heritage from the territory of Slovakia by German authorities at the end of the World War II. The Nazis were interested primarily in those treasures and archive collections which they considered to be “German”. With the help of Karmasin’s Deutsche Partei and with disregard for the Slovak authorities they were able to export materials of unimaginable value. However, after the war the vast part of the transported cultural heritage was returned to Slovakia.
EN
The article presents and substantiates a thesis that socialism — beside nationalism and racism — constituted one of the doctrinal-and political pillars of German National Socialism and of the political doctrine of Adolf Hitler. National Socialism, however, represented a peculiar version of socialism that did not fit into the internationalist tradition of class socialism. National Socialism replaced the idea of class struggle with the notion of racial struggle, put racial revolution in the place of proletarian one and identified the creation of the perfect national community of the “master race” the destiny of which is to rule the world — and not the establishment of the perfect egalitarian system which is the destiny of all mankind — as an ultimate objective. Nevertheless, National Socialism has many things in common with the main branch of socialism, including revolutionary approach, criticism of capitalism and democracy, dictatorial conception of political power, the idea of the guiding role of a party and the affirmation of force and violence as legitimate instruments of achieving political objectives.
EN
The mode of perception of National Socialism and its positioning in the history of Germany played a fundamental role in the development of the country's political culture. The establishment of two German states founded on different political systems entailed far reaching consequences for the cultural memory of the divided society. The contradiction inherent in the construction of a post-war order of Germans consisted in the discrepancy between a negative, discredited past and the need for an acceptable image in order to build a positive identity of the new state. From the onset, GDR propaganda developed a strategy of overcoming the past, based on the ideology of antifascism. It gave the multitudes embroiled in Nazism the opportunity to free themselves from a feeling of guilt and integrated the society around future oriented slogans in confrontation with the West German state.
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