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EN
The title and conceptualization of this text were inspired by the important book by Victor Klemperer “Before 33/after 45” (1956). The author tries to argue that the poet who lived and wrote before 1933 (Rainer Maria Rilke died in December 1926), would not be so widely read and interpreted today had he lived and written in the period of the Third Reich. The author uses Rilke´s letters, memoirs, works and the other documents in this article as a figure of a clairvoyance in the same sense in which it was understood by the Polish poet Cyprian Kamil Norwid (1821-1883): “A clairvoyance has two sources: either wisdom, or désinteressement.” This clairvoyance becomes obvious when we compare – as Giorgio Agamben has done – fragments from Rilke´s novel Die Aufzeichnungen des Malte Laurids Brigge (1910, that is, before World War I) with the figure of the concentration camp “musulman” (which appears in Primo Levi´s books). The comparison has to do with the encounter of the bare face with reality and the relevant consequences that arise from this encounter. However, we find any clairvoyance neither in Rilke´s correspondence, nor in the memories of his friends, who often describe the poet´s ambivalent behaviour. Also, the author found it important to point out German and Polish reception of Rilke between 1933 and 1945. Her findings confirm the hypothesis about Rilke´s ambivalent attitude toward Jews and anti-Semitism.
EN
In their writings the great Polish Romantics, Mickiewicz and Słowacki, first of all tackled the question of Poland’s independence and democratic transformations that were to achieve that objective. They distrusted the economic and civilisational changes taking place in western Europe and stressed Poland’s uniqueness, its distinctiveness when compared with the rest of Europe. In developing the views of Mickiewicz as the author of Konfederaci barscy, Słowacki particularly glorified the so-called gentry democracy and advocated a vision of Poland as a homeland chosen by God and made a guiding star for peoples on their way to liberation from the bondage of the Holy Alliance. Both poets were adherents of Jagiellonian Poland, a Poland of three nations and it was through such Poland that they imagined the future of Europe. Norwid wrote in conscious opposition to the “giants,” at the same time regarding himself as their successors in national leadership. What mattered for him first of all were Poles the citizens, less so Poles the patriots. His concept of “citizenship” was far removed from noblemen’s sarmatism (and the notion that “a nobleman’s home is his castle” or that there is no man that a nobleman would think of as a superior) and close to Enlightenment views on the matter. For him, too, Poland was a chosen nation but under the law of salvation covering the entire Christian Europe. Poland’s role in Europe was measured only by Poland’s contribution to a European community, like Jan III Sobieski’s relief of Vienna. It was to this community that Poland owed its identity. Our homeland was based primarily on Judeo-Christian and ancient traditions, and these traditions — linked first of all to ancient and Christian Rome — were to be the dominant traditions for us. Norwid was opposed to the idea of Poland’s leading role in the transformation of the world and he saw our homeland as part of a future united Europe of equal, democratic nations.
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