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Europa i USA wobec przyszłości Sojuszu Północnoatlantyckiego

100%
Malinowski K.
Przegląd Zachodni
|
2013
|
issue 1(346)
151-174
EN
Consolidation of the North Atlantic Alliance based on a new division of tasks and responsibilities is currently a key issue for the future of transatlantic relations. The new Strategic Concept of Lisbon (2010) was supposed to curb the discrepancies between the member states on crucial matters pertaining to the future of the Alliance and restore its unity. Those discrepancies resulted from a tension between NATO’s original functions, i.e. collective defense and a deepening of transatlantic cooperation on the one hand and tasks connected with the post-Cold War role of the Alliance on non-Treaty area on the other. The Concept was to prepare the Alliance to react more efficiently to a new type of challenges like rocket weapons attack or cyberterrorist attacks, or challenges concerning energy security. Implementation of the Concept was hindered by such adverse factors as the effects of the financial crisis in the USA and the EU or the USA’s strategic turn towards the Pacific. The Chicago summit (2012) launched a closer military integration of the member states and a new division of burdens between Europe and the USA as indispensable requisites of the Alliance’s further existence.
2
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W XXV-lecie Traktatu polsko-niemieckiego. Kilka refleksji

88%
Barcz J.
Przegląd Zachodni
|
2016
|
issue 3(360)
7-17
EN
The Polish-German Treaty of Good Neighbourship and Friendly Cooperation became a symbol of a new foreign policy of the independent Poland after the systemic changes of 1989. Its significance has a bilateral dimension in relations with the unified Germany and a general dimension as well. As concerns the former aspect, the Treaty together with the confirmation of the Polish-German border opened the way to building a Polish-German community of interests in all political areas and in interpersonal relations. As to its general import, the “big” Polish-German Treaty was the first major signal of a turn in the foreign policy of the independent Poland towards aspiration to membership in the then European Communities (later the European Union) and the North Atlantic Alliance. Thus, it paved the way to initiating Poland’s cooperation in all the basic areas of relations with the Western Europe of those times.
3
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Joint international military exercises of NATO countries within the implementation of programs supporting peace and security in Ukraine

63%
Mahomedov A.
Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis. Studia Politologica
|
2020
|
issue 25
54-61
EN
This article considers the issue of annexation of the Ukrainian Crimea peninsular territory by the Russian Federation and further deployment of the secessionist movement in the southeastern regions of Ukraine that subsequently developed into a military conflict in the east of Ukraine. The research analysed the directions and character of the cooperation between the Armed Forces of Ukraine and the Alliance military units. The level of practical interaction within the framework of existing NATO-Ukraine bilateral partnership programs, including military trainings, was also identified. The chronology of transformation of organizational forms of Ukrainian army’s presence in the east of Ukraine from the Anti-Terrorist Operation to the Joint Forces Operation and the role of NATO in this process were also considered. The elements of the North Atlantic Alliance’s influence on the reform of the Ukrainian army were identified directly following the requirements and standards defined by the Organization. The role of NATO’s Liaison Office, located in Kyiv, Ukraine, and the Center for Security and Information Processing was outlined. Particular attention was paid to the issue of counteracting cybercrimes and protecting the state’s information systems from external influences. In particular, reference was made to the protection of the state’s critical infrastructure elements (nuclear power plants, strategic state-owned enterprises, etc.), including electronic registers of citizens e-lists and the state’s banking system databases. The activities of the NATO Cybercrime Operations Centers and the establishment of similar institutions in Ukraine were also researched. The maritime component of cooperation between Ukraine and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization was analysed, taking into account the aggravation of the situation in Azov-Black Sea region during 2018, associated with the passage of Ukrainian warships of the Azov Fleet of the Naval Forces of Ukraine through the Kerch Strait which is under the control of the occupying troops of the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation. As a result, so-called border conflicts were caused leading to the capture of Ukrainian warships and sailors by Russians in November 2018.
4

Zagrożenie terroryzmem bombowym na świecie — strategia przeciwdziałania improwizowanym urządzeniom wybuchowym NATO oraz (C-IED) na terenie RP

63%
Hałys P.
Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem
|
2015
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vol. 37
|
issue 3
27 - 46
EN
Escalation of threats associated directly with international bomb terrorism makes us aware of the need to develop new methods and procedures for fighting this great danger, which as the author of the article argues, is present on every continent. Effective fight against terrorists using bombs is possible thanks to a Counter Improvised Explosive Device (C-IED) system. Increased threat also concerns territories hitherto not covered by such actions, including the territory of the Republic of Poland. The experiences of the armed forces — their training, equipment and preparedness — as well as the analyses presented in the article indicate that in order for the fi ght against terrorism to be effective it needs synergetic efforts not only with regard to neutralising detected IEDs but also on strategic levels: of governments and international organisations.
5
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Joint international military exercises of NATO countries within the implementation of programs supporting peace and security in Ukraine

63%
Mahomedov A.
Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis. Studia Politologica
|
2020
|
issue 25
EN
This article considers the issue of annexation of the Ukrainian Crimea peninsular territory by the RussianFederation and further deployment of the secessionist movement in the southeastern regions of Ukraine thatsubsequently developed into a military conflict in the east of Ukraine. The research analysed the directionsand character of the cooperation between the Armed Forces of Ukraine and the Alliance military units. Thelevel of practical interaction within the framework of existing NATO-Ukraine bilateral partnership programs, including military trainings, was also identified. The chronology of transformation of organizational formsof Ukrainian army’s presence in the east of Ukraine from the Anti-Terrorist Operation to the Joint ForcesOperation and the role of NATO in this process were also considered. The elements of the North AtlanticAlliance’s influence on the reform of the Ukrainian army were identified directly following the requirementsand standards defined by the Organization. The role of NATO’s Liaison Office, located in Kyiv, Ukraine, andthe Center for Security and Information Processing was outlined. Particular attention was paid to the issueof counteracting cybercrimes and protecting the state’s information systems from external influences. Inparticular, reference was made to the protection of the state’s critical infrastructure elements (nuclear powerplants, strategic state-owned enterprises, etc.), including electronic registers of citizens e-lists and the state’sbanking system databases. The activities of the NATO Cybercrime Operations Centers and the establishmentof similar institutions in Ukraine were also researched. The maritime component of cooperation betweenUkraine and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization was analysed, taking into account the aggravation ofthe situation in Azov-Black Sea region during 2018, associated with the passage of Ukrainian warships of theAzov Fleet of the Naval Forces of Ukraine through the Kerch Strait which is under the control of the occupyingtroops of the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation. As a result, so-called border conflicts were causedleading to the capture of Ukrainian warships and sailors by Russians in November 2018.
6
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Uwarunkowania bezpieczeństwa Polski na przełomie XX i XXI wieku

51%
Elak L.
Bezpieczeństwo. Teoria i Praktyka
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2020
|
issue 2
33-47
EN
Poland – one of the countries of the former communist bloc, and a member of the Warsaw Pact after World War II – has undergone two major states of functioning on the international arena to this day. As a satellite country of the Soviet Union, it built its foundations of security and defence, based on the military and political strength of the Warsaw Pact against Western Europe, the United States, and generally against NATO. The collapse of the Soviet Union and the transformations that took place across Eastern Europe in the early 1980s resulted in a situation in which the country detached itself from the communist system, built its democracy and, as a neutral country, sought membership in NATO and the European Union, the two guarantors of building its own security policy and defence, given Poland’s geopolitical location. The goal of this paper is to familiarize the reader with the ways in which Poland built its national and international security at the turn of the 20th and 21st centuries against the background of the wave of geopolitical changes taking place in Europe. The paper provides an in-depth analysis of Poland’s security environment after 1989, presents the chronology of changes made internationally to join Poland to both NATO and European structures, and the country’s contribution to supporting world peace.
PL
Polska jako jeden z wielu krajów dawnego bloku komunistycznego i członek Układu Warszawskiego przechodziła po II wojnie światowej dwa zasadnicze stany funkcjonowania na arenie międzynarodowej. Po pierwsze, będąc krajem satelitarnym Związku Radzieckiego, swoje fundamenty bezpieczeństwa i obronności budowała w oparciu o siłę militarną i polityczną UW przeciwko krajom Europy Zachodniej i Stanom Zjednoczonym, a więc przeciwko NATO. Po drugie, rozpad ZSRR oraz przemiany polityczno-społeczne i militarne w Europie Wschodniej na początku lat 80. XX w. spowodowały sytuację, w której Polska oderwała się od komunistycznego systemu. Pozwoliło jej to na budowanie demokracji i – jako krajowi neutralnemu – na dążenie do przynależności do NATO (również do Unii Europejskiej) jako gwaranta budowania własnej polityki bezpieczeństwa i obronności. Obecnie w drugiej dekadzie XXI w. Polska, ze względu na swoje niekorzystne geopolityczne położenie w Europie i aspiracje międzynarodowe, wiedzie prym w wywiązywaniu się z zobowiązań sojuszniczych oraz w zwiększaniu nakładów finansowych na modernizację przemysłu i zakupu nowych technologii, w tym na modernizację armii. Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie czytelnikowi, jak Polska budowała swoje bezpieczeństwo narodowe i międzynarodowe na przełomie XX i XXI w., w aspekcie zmian geopolitycznych w Europie. W artykule zawarto dogłębną analizę środowiska bezpieczeństwa Polski po roku 1989, przedstawiono chronologię zmian dokonywanych na arenie międzynarodowej w celu przyłączenia Polski do NATO i struktur europejskich oraz wkład naszego kraju w wspieranie pokoju na świecie.
7
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PRZEMIANY W POLSKIEJ KULTURZE STRATEGICZNEJ W KONTEKŚCIE WYZWAŃ I ZAGROŻEŃ XXI WIEKU

45%
Zarobny S.
Studia nad Bezpieczeństwem
|
2019
|
issue 4
63-76
EN
Culture must be reckoned with. At the beginning of the 21st century, Lawrence E. Harrison and Samuel P. Huntington reminded us about it. The events of September 11, 2001 further strengthened the importance of cultural factors in the analysis of international relations and contributed to the development of research using the civilisation paradigm. The purpose of this article is to analyse Poland’s strategic culture, its sources and features. It was conducted on the basis of professional literature with the aim of answering the following questions: What determines Polish strategic culture? What are its features and what actions and omissions do they manifest?The main conclusion of the above analysis is confirmation that Poland has its own strategic culture shaped by historical experience.
PL
Z kulturą trzeba się liczyć. Na początku XXI wieku przypomnieli o tym m.in. Lawrence E. Harrison i Samuel P. Huntington. Lata 90. oraz wydarzenia z 11 września 2001 r. dodatkowo wzmocniły znaczenie czynnika kulturowego w analizie stosunków międzynarodowych i przyczyniły się do rozwoju badań z wykorzystaniem paradygmatu cywilizacyjnego. Celem przedmiotowego artykułu jest analiza kultury strategicznej Polski, jej źródeł oraz cech. Została ona przeprowadzona w oparciu o literaturę fachową, mając na celu udzielenie odpowiedzi na następujące pytania: Co warunkuje polską kulturę strategiczną? Jakie są jej cechy oraz w jakich działaniach i zaniechaniach dochodzi do ich uzewnętrznienia?Podstawowym wnioskiem powyższej analizy jest potwierdzenie, że Polska posiada własną kulturę strategiczną ukształtowaną przez historyczne doświadczenie.
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