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1

BOHEMIANS IN PRAGUE IN THE LATTER HALF OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY

100%
Prahl R.
ARS
|
2012
|
vol. 45
|
issue 2
143 – 154
EN
The article identifies certain elements of bohemianism, and its relevance to the development of the Prague art scene. It provides a brief outline of the artists’ movement in the 19th-century Prague and of its opposition to the local official art institutions. The development of bohemianism in the city was chiefly determined by the existence of a comparatively numerous community of local artists. Their manifestations of opposition corresponded with the overall frustration felt by this community, resulting from its awkward status on the fringe of society. Several reproductions of art works and related visual documents are supplemented, exemplifying certain radical gestures with which artists addressed the general public.
2

Instytucja zgloszenia robót budowlanych w procesie inwestycyjnym w obszarze infrastruktury kolejowej

88%
Wajda P.
Przegląd Prawa Publicznego
|
2012
|
issue 1
43-59
EN
The article is focused on the analysis of legal aspects of reporting institutions in the area of construction in the railway infrastructure. Taking into consideration the scale of investment processes carried out by the railway infrastructure manager, it is necessary to implement legal mechanism, that are aimed at increasing the efficiency of the whole processes. Such an instrument, as it seems, is the mechanism of reporting institution. This instrument - thanks to its precise fit to the requirements arising from the business practice - significantly reduces the political risk and costs associated with administrative proceedings.
3
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OPPOSITION'S TOOLS FOR CONTROLLING THE GOVERNMENT (Instrumenty kontroli nad rzadem opozycji parlamentarnej)

88%
Bartoszewicz M.
|
2011
|
vol. 56
|
issue 6(341)
18-38
EN
In democratic countries, opposition is defined in various ways, depending on the binding party system, the legal status of parties in the Parliament and the practice developed. But undoubtedly, without opposition, control over the government would be usually only formal. The article presents a selection of the most important tools that the lower chamber of the Polish Parliament (Sejm) has at its disposal to control the Council of Ministers and the government administration, which are mainly used by opposing parliamentary groupings and circles. The author also attempts to assess how the opposition in the previous Parliament fulfilled this task.
4

MEDIA AND JOURNALISM IN THE OPINION OF 'TYGODNIK POWSZECHNY' WEEKLY (IN THE CONTEXT OF THE ROUND TABLE) (Media i dziennikarstwo w opinii 'Tygodnika Powszechnego' (w kontekscie obrad Okraglego Stolu))

75%
Sonczyk W.
Rocznik Historii Prasy Polskiej
|
2008
|
vol. 11
|
issue 1-2(21-22)
151-174
EN
The article discusses the main challenges concerning the future of the Polish media system as covered by 'Tygodnik Powszechny' weekly shortly before and during the Round Table discussions, particularly those of the Mass Media Sub-Committee.
5
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Politický styl Helmuta Kohla: příklad vnitrostranické diskuse o druhé verzi berlínského programu CDU z roku 1971

63%
Picka O.
Český časopis historický (The Czech Historical Review)
|
2011
|
vol. 109
|
issue 4
685-715
EN
At the beginning of the 1970s Helmut Kohl was the leading personality in a new generation of CDU politicians born in the early 1930s, which ascended to the Party leadership after the CDU's defeat and its demotion to opposition in 1969. He was the new Prime Minister of the German Province of Rhineland-Palatinate and Deputy Chairman of the CDU. From the very beginning he anchored his career upon conflict with the Party elites from the CDU founder generation and his criticism of the under developed party structures. At the same time, although still a young man, he showed his talent for building up political alliances and establishing his own power base. Being the chairman of the party's Policy Commission was the chance for him as a provincial politician to appeal to a broader membership and thus strengthen his position in his fight for the CDU's chairmanship. By initiating and formulating a progressive programme he was in a position to greatly assist in the modernization of the CDU, which was, after all, his long-term aim and to present himself as a reformist. Yet, at the same time he was wary of damaging his links with the more conservative elements in the CDU. His Commission presented a very liberal proposal. However, it is not possible to name Kohl as its author as he had never been deeply interested in policy issues; he always tended to influence political events on a general level. Nevertheless, Kohl facilitated the elaboration of this text by surrounding himself with a number of younger reform-minded politicians and by giving them a space to do so. Yet, when it became clear that such a programme was unacceptable to traditionalists, he distanced himself from the proposal and was willing to accept its dilution. The implementation of concrete policy points was not worth the undermining of his own position of power.
6

PREMATURE ATTEMPT AT LIBERAL DEMOCRACY IN IRAQI POLITICS (1930 – 1937)

63%
Sorby K. R.
Asian and African Studies
|
2014
|
vol. 23
|
issue 2
205 – 225
EN
During the early 1930s a liberal left-wing group named “al-Ahālī” came to being. First, their members made their views public in January 1932. They proposed sweeping social reforms, but hoped to perform their plans by parliamentary methods, without having to resort to violent means. They did not call for a class struggle, and recognized the value of the institutions of the family and religion and supported patriotism (al-waṭanīya) against nationalism (al-qawmīya). The leading members of this association established the Baghdad Club, a cultural centre where the members treated different themes and drew into debate people from widely varying background. There were differences of opinion between them as to whether or not a political party should be established. Originally they saw their main task as general cultural work to combat illiteracy. However, the group became more radical in 1934 – 1935 and it was joined by some communists. It also established contacts with some of the older politicians who favoured reforms, such as Ḥikmat Sulaymān, who had been much impressed by the work of Kemal Atatürk in Turkey. By October 1936, full agreement had been reached between those, who prepared the military coup. With the overthrow of the government, the first short-lived coalition supported by the liberal and left-centre forces in Iraq was installed.
7
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Spisovná čeština: mezi mluveností a psaností

51%
Bogoczová I.
Časopis pro moderní filologii (Journal for Modern Philology)
|
2012
|
vol. 94
|
issue 1
18-31
EN
The article is based on the generally accepted and widely applied dichotomy between spokenness and writtenness (the spoken and the written word) and also between literariness (or standard use) and colloquiality. The aim of the study is to show the groundlessness and impracticality of such an approach. It is suggested that the ideas we have about the first or the second type (mode) of language performance are not confirmed by real-life practice (or empiricism). Writing and speaking do not use entirely different linguistic means, and the situation of the written word and of the spoken word need not be given, constant or mutually different. The author prefers the solution based upon (proto) typical properties of texts and their actual concentration therein. The following part of the article presents (partial) results of an inquiry into the attitudes of Czech language users in various types of situations in which they express themselves orally or in written form and speak literary or colloquial Czech.
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