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Understanding the Dispute over the Treatment of Products Exported to the European Union from the Occupied Territories in the Context of the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership

100%
Chmiel O. J.
Polish Political Science Yearbook
|
2018
|
vol. 2 (47)
254–264
EN
While the European Union (EU) does not recognize any legal Israeli sovereignty over the territories occupied by Israel in 1967, it does not grant preferential access to the EU market for goods produced in the Israeli settlements in this area, contrary to the preferential treatment for goods produced in Israel. This situation is different, however, as regards the United States (U.S.) trade policy, which does not make any distinction between goods produced in Israel and in the Occupied Territories, since it grants the preferential access to both. Furthermore, the currently suspended negotiations of the super-regional trade agreement called the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP), spurred the enacting of a law that set the principal negotiating objectives of the U.S. regarding commercial partnerships, which included some provisions to discourage politically motivated economic actions against the State of Israel. As TTIP embraced the free trade agreement between the EU and the U.S., the EU differentiation policy could become problematic for the two partners, which despite the failure of the negotiations, revealed much about economic diplomacy. Consequently, this article attempts to show the different approaches adopted by the two trading powers, in order to deal with the dispute over the treatment of products exported to the EU from the Occupied Territories.
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The Jewish-Palestinian conflict. History and the Present

67%
Izak K.
Terroryzm - studia, analizy, prewencja
|
2024
|
issue 6
289-404
EN
In this article, the author presents the causes and course of the Jewish-Palestinian conflict from the second half of the 19th century to the events of 2024. The main research problem concerns explaining the essence of this conflict and indicating the reasons why, in the author’s opinion, a two-state solution and life side by side for the two Jewish and Palestinian nations is impossible. The author has primarily used the historical method to show the chronology of the conflict with its pivotal moments. He considers that a lasting peace is currently unattainable because it is not wanted by the fanatical groups on both sides of the conflict, which adopts the religious motivation of the parties and thus becomes increasingly cruel and unpredictable. In his conclusions, the author points out, among other things, the deepening mutual hatred between Jews and Palestinians, which has fuelled the spiral of violence and made a political end to the conflict impossible and will continue to be so. This is also confirmed by the attempts made so far to resolve it with the involvement of third parties. The war currently being fought in Gaza will fade, but the conflict will continue and strengthen the radical factions on both sides, namely militant Islam (Hamas and Hezbollah) and the Jewish nationalist and ultra-orthodox right. The involvement of other actors in this war, notably Iran, Hezbollah and the Yemeni Houthi (Ansar Allah) movement, poses the danger of its escalation and the transfer of terrorist acts to Europe.
3
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Konflikt żydowsko-palestyński. Historia i współczesność

51%
Izak K.
Terroryzm - studia, analizy, prewencja
|
2024
|
issue 6
13-126
EN
In this article, the author presents the causes and course of the Jewish- Palestinian conflict from the second half of the 19th century to the events of 2024. The main research problem concerns explaining the essence of this conflict and indicating the reasons why, in the author’s opinion, a two-state solution and life side by side for the two Jewish and Palestinian nations is impossible. The author has primarily used the historical method to show the chronology of the conflict with its pivotal moments. He considers that a lasting peace is currently unattainable because it is not wanted by the fanatical groups on both sides of the conflict, which adopts the religious motivation of the parties and thus becomes increasingly cruel and unpredictable. In his conclusions, the author points out, among other things, the deepening mutual hatred between Jews and Palestinians, which has fuelled the spiral of violence and made a political end to the conflict impossible and will continue to be so. This is also confirmed by the attempts made so far to resolve it with the involvement of third parties. The war currently being fought in Gaza will fade, but the conflict will continue and strengthen the radical factions on both sides, namely militant Islam (Hamas and Hezbollah) and the Jewish nationalist and ultra-orthodox right. The involvement of other actors in this war, notably Iran, Hezbollah and the Yemeni Houthi (Ansar Allah) movement, poses the danger of its escalation and the transfer of terrorist acts to Europe.
PL
W artykule autor przedstawia przyczyny i przebieg konfliktu żydowsko-palestyńskiego od drugiej połowy XIX w. do wydarzeń z 2024 r. Główny problem badawczy dotyczy wyjaśnienia istoty tego konfliktu i wskazania powodów, dla których w opinii autora rozwiązanie dwupaństwowe i życie obok siebie dwóch narodów – żydowskiego i palestyńskiego – jest niemożliwe. Autor posłużył się przede wszystkim metodą historyczną, pozwalającą ukazać chronologię konfliktu z jego momentami przełomowymi. Jego zdaniem obecnie trwały pokój jest nieosiągalny, gdyż nie chcą go sfanatyzowane ugrupowania po obu stronach konfliktu, który przyjmuje religijną motywację stron i staje się coraz bardziej brutalny i nieprzewidywalny. We wnioskach autor zwraca uwagę m.in. na pogłębiającą się wzajemną nienawiść Żydów i Palestyńczyków, która nakręciła spiralę przemocy i spowodowała, że polityczne zakończenie konfliktu jest i będzie niemożliwe. Potwierdzają to również dotychczasowe próby jego rozwiązania przy udziale stron trzecich. Wojna toczona od 7 października 2023 r. w Strefie Gazy wygaśnie, ale konflikt będzie trwał i wzmacniał frakcje radykalne po obu stronach, czyli wojującego islamu (Hamas i Hezbollah) oraz żydowskiej nacjonalistycznej i ultraortodoksyjnej prawicy. Zaangażowanie innych podmiotów w tę wojnę, przede wszystkim Iranu, Hezbollahu i jemeńskiego ruchu Huti (Ansar Allah), stwarza niebezpieczeństwo jego eskalacji i przeniesienia aktów terroryzmu do Europy.
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