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Notes on Alliteration in the Poetic Edda

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Lingua Posnaniensis
|
2010
|
vol. 52
|
issue 2
79-84
EN
The Berlin Anglicist and linguist Martin Lehnert (1955: 33) says that there are some 30,000 alliterative lines in Old English, 7,300 Eddic long lines, 6,000 and 335 in Old Saxon (Heliand and Genesis) and 200 in Old High German (Hildebrandslied, Muspilli etc.). The following contains some notes on alliteration in the Poetic Edda. The three main types of alliteration ([a] for alliterating, [x] for not alliterating stave) are [aa/ax] [ax/ax] and [xa/ax]. There are, however, a number of cases where the principal stave (Hauptstab, hofuðstafr, Snorri Sturluson, c.1220, quoted from A. Heusler 1918-1919, §35) is not in the normal place. Moreover, there are also several lines where no alliteration is available, and where, although I am not a medieval Icelandic poet, I would compose the line to make it more alliterative. Toward the end of the article is given a select list of 50 alphabetically arranged alliterations from the Poetic Edda.
EN
In this article, we study the intensive comparative structures applied to the adjective negro (‘black’) in medieval Spanish, in comparison with the homologous structures in medieval Czech (adjective černý) and Old Norse (adjective svartr). We present and comment numerous examples that contain different second terms of the comparison, from the most frequent (pez ‘pitch’, carbón ‘coal’, cuervo ‘crow’…) to the rarest (olla ‘pot’, diablo ‘devil’…). Numerous convergences are observed, largely due to the existence of deep common cultural bases, such as Christianity and the literary tradition of classical antiquity, but also numerous divergences and even singularities of each of the languages considered.
EN
By comparing archaeological finds with literary evidence this article seeks to reconstruct the role of drinking horns during the Viking Age. After an overview of drinking horns as represented in archaeology, several literary texts, predominantly Medieval Icelandic sagas, will be studied to shed further light on how drinking horns were seen and used. Drinking horns were used as a literary motif in these texts, but it can be demonstrated that they can also be linked to the archaeological evidence from the Viking Age, thus improving our understanding of the archaeological record.
XX
The style of the Old Norse saga genres is sometimes reduced to two elements: litotes, taken as an embodiment of the traditional family sagas, and superlative, symbolizing the main feature of the late chivalric and lying sagas. This scheme can be useful only to some extent, as an auxiliary criterion for describing tendencies of the genre development. However, the litotes-superlative generalization eliminates much of the stylistic variation. Thus, further analyses should be based on more elements, and their functions in the narrative, as well as their usefulness to the respective ideology, should be considered. The family sagas tend to use litotes and various forms of indirect assessment, making the heroes hardly flawless, so that the audience needs to create their own opinion based on established phrases. The role of the audience of the chivalric and lying sagas is more passive, the heroes’ qualities are stated directly, often as a hyperbole, making strict difference between the pure good and pure evil, and guiding the audience to the right values.
EN
This study examines the most characteristic features of the Scandinavian prose romances. The contrast between the translated and original chivalric sagas is illustrated on the Norwegian translation of the Song of Roland and on the late Icelandic re-working of Tristan. Our aim was to explain the changes in the context of the Old Norse culture as well as literary conventions. The Old Norse translations were partially shaped to satisfy the expectations of the target audience unused to the genre. The dissolving courtly ideals in the late-medieval Icelandic tradition are, according the author, rather similar to the development of the late German Artusroman than purely a sign of Scandinavian incomprehension of the concepts.
EN
When in the seventh book of his Chronicle Thietmar presents the events of year 1016, in his description of events in England he reverts to the year 1014, when Æthelred the Unready II decided to destroy the earthly remains of Sweyn Forkbeard, buried in Gainsborough in Lincolnshire. However, the corpse of Sweyn was sent back to Denmark by his fiends and Thietmar constructs this expedition as a journey towards the far north. He presents the constellations of the northern sky and then turns to a description of the Scythians who inhabit northern land. After this description Thietmar unexpectedly turns to a brief account about one of the rulers of that country, named Gutring. However, we do not know of any Scandinavian king of that name in any kingdom. The reading Gutring, which is followed by all later editors and translators was proposed by Lappenberg in his 1839 critical edition of Thietmar’s works. But the analysis of the Dresden codex clearly indicates that the name was originally written as Gulring, which is an Old Norse name or sobriquet gullhringr, ‘gold ring’, ‘gold hoop’. The Gulring mentioned by Thietmar is in all likelihood Ring Dagsson Gabarin (964-post 1018), the King of Hedmark. The identity of the King Gulring described by Thietmar was already established in the 18th century, but because of the fact that in 1839 Lappenberg spoiled Thietmar’s text by changing the correct spelling of the Norse leader Gulring to Gutring, this identification was neglected and then forgotten by modern scholars.
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