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1
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Dynamika utváření nových stran v České republice v letech 1996–2010: hledání možných příčin politického zemětřesení

100%
Hanley S.
Sociologický časopis. Czech Sociological Review
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2011
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vol. 47
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issue 1
115-137
EN
The stable and closed nature of the party system and the failure of most new political parties were among the most salient features of Czech democracy over the past two decades. The results of the 2010 parliamentary elections seemed to mark a break with this pattern: support for two main parties slumped to historically low levels and two new parties, TOP 09 and Public Affairs (Věci veřejné), entered parliament. This article seeks to put the ‘political earthquake’ of 2010 into perspective by mapping the development of new parties in the Czech Republic over the past two decades and relating them to comparative literature and typologies of new party emergence. It concludes that, of the two successful new parties in 2010, Public Affairs was by far the more novel and important phenomenon.
2
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NÁSTUP NOVÝCH POLITICKÝCH STRAN V ČR OD ROKU 2013: HNUTÍ ANO 2011 A ÚSVIT PŘÍMÉ DEMOKRACIE POHLEDEM KONCEPTU NOVOSTI

100%
Šárovec D.
Sociológia (Sociology)
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2018
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vol. 50
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issue 1
78 – 113
EN
New political parties can be important holders of change or representatives of poorly accented social or political problems. The success of such groups may lead to more or less fundamental transformation of the entire party system. The aim of this study is to focus on two successful new entities, which recorded a breakthrough in elections to the Chamber of Deputies of the Parliament of the Czech Republic in 2013: a Movement ANO 2011 and the Dawn of Direct Democracy. The goal is to analyse these players through the agency of Sikks‘ concept of newness. The novelty shall therefore not be considered merely from a strictly chronological point of view, but from a broader perspective and incorporates more detailed analytical criteria targeting particular ideological profiles programmatically examined groupings and also the key role of leaders. Movements ANO and Dawn sharply delimited against current establishment. They posed as a clear alternative to the traditional political parties. Each of these analysed movements has chosen programmatically a different path for this purpose.
3
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МІСЦЕВІ ВИБОРИ В УКРАЇНІ 2010 РОКУ: ЗАГАЛЬНОНАЦІОНАЛЬНИЙ ТА РЕГІОНАЛЬНИЙ ВИМІР (НА ПРИКЛАДІ ЗАКАРПАТСЬКОЇ ОБЛАСТІ)

100%
Ostapec J.
Annales Scientia Politica
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2014
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vol. 3
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issue 1
38 – 41
EN
In the article the results and flow of local elections in the Trans-Carpathian region and Ukraine have been analysed on the basis of statistic data. The positive specifics and lacks of the normative part of elections holding have been characterized, as well as their influence on the evolution of the party system of Ukraine. The conclusions have been made on the prospects of party composition in Ukraine.
4
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NATIONALIZATION VERSUS REGIONALIZATION: FEATURES OF THE PARTY SYSTEM DEVELOPMENT IN UKRAINE (1991–2020)

88%
Ostapets Y., Klyuchkovych A., Shelemba M.
Annales Scientia Politica
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2022
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vol. 11
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issue 1
15 - 30
EN
In this article, the authors present their vision of the theoretical and empirical aspects of the party system’s nationalization and regionalization in Ukraine in 1991–2020. Electoral processes and the party system structuring in Ukraine are analysed through the prism of the nationalization theory. The main factors that affect the processes of nationalization / regionalization of the party system (socio-cultural heterogeneity, features of post-communist transit, political regime, and electoral rules) are characterized. The degree of nationalization / regionalization of the Ukrainian party system is analysed using a set of empirical indicators: the index of the effective number of parties, the Pedersen volatility index, and the nationalization index. Comparison of empirical indicators testifies to the variability of the processes of parties’ nationalization and regionalization based on the election results, and also demonstrates the ambivalence of the party system development in Ukraine and the low level of its institutionalization. A general conclusion is made about the low level of nationalization of the party system and the heterogeneity (regionality) of party preferences of the citizens of Ukraine.
5
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SLOVENSKÉ STRANICKÉ ZEMĚTŘESENÍ 2016. POMOHLA BY MALÁ VOLEBNÍ REFORMA?

88%
Kerekeš D., Pink M., Šedo J.
Sociológia (Sociology)
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2019
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vol. 51
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issue 1
64 – 83
EN
The article estimates seat distribution between political parties in Slovakia’s Parliament using the most recent electoral outcomes and varying a constituency magnitude and a seat distribution formula. The goal of the article is to discuss introducing possible minor reforms of the electoral system with the aim to eliminate party system fragmentation and to reinforce governing efficiency. Consideration is given to the historical evolution of the electoral system and past amendment proposals. Results demonstrate that minor electoral reform would not by itself lead to the desired changes in the party system. In an endeavour to reduce the number of political parties in the Parliament, a change of at least two aspects of the electoral systems would be necessary – seat distribution formula and constituency magnitude.
6
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ЕФЕКТИВНА КІЛЬКІСТЬ ПАРТІЙ В УКРАЇНІ (1991 – 2012)

88%
Shestak N.
Annales Scientia Politica
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2014
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vol. 3
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issue 1
47 – 51
EN
The article describes the index of the effective number of electoral and parliamentary parties. They explained the peculiarity of their application for the analysis of party systems. In the paper the effective number of parties in the electoral and parliamentary levels for Ukraine after the elections to the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, 1994, 1998, 2002, 2006, 2007 and 2012 are calculated.
7
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České politické strany v politickém prostoru

88%
Chytilek R., Eibl O.
Sociologický časopis. Czech Sociological Review
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2011
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vol. 47
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issue 1
61-89
EN
This article is based on a top-down approach to investigating political interactions between parties and voters and introduces the policy-space perspective into this approach. Its basic premise is as follows: through the application of categories of the proximity/distance of political actors, conflicts latently or manifestly present in a party system can be represented in the policy space. Mapping the policy space traces these relationships and helps to answer the question: What are the positions of political parties on the selected political topics? After providing an overview of existing scholarship on policy-space perspective in Czech politics, the article introduces and discusses a substantive and methodological decision that must be made in this type of research. The empirical part of the article replicates key aspects of Kenneth Benoit’s and Michael Laver’s study mapping policy spaces in modern democracies. The article employs as yet unpublished data from a late 2008 expert panel on the political positions of Czech parliamentary political parties. On the basis of this data the article seeks to answer the following research questions: What is the character of the Czech policy space? What is the relationship between substantive policy dimensions and the synthetic right-left dimension? What additional potential does mapping the policy space offer in comparison with research based on other premises?
8
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DYNAMICS OF THE PARTY SYSTEM IN SPAIN IN THE LIGHT OF THE GENERAL ELECTIONS

88%
Měšťánková P.
Annales Scientia Politica
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2023
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vol. 12
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issue 2
5 – 23
EN
This study examines the transformation of the Spanish party system, particularly in the context of the July 2023 general elections. Over the last decade, the party system has become more fragmented and polarized. From a two-party format, the contest has gradually turned into a competition between two blocs: the right and the left. The July 2023 general elections showed that the party system has partially stabilized, with the mainstream parties (PP and PSOE) recovering, but not enough to form a single-party government. Support from regional parties remains essential for forming a central government. However, the possibilities for cooperation between political parties are limited by the nature of the party blocs, and the high degree of ideological and social polarization.
9
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OPPOSITION'S TOOLS FOR CONTROLLING THE GOVERNMENT (Instrumenty kontroli nad rzadem opozycji parlamentarnej)

88%
Bartoszewicz M.
Kontrola Państwowa
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2011
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vol. 56
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issue 6(341)
18-38
EN
In democratic countries, opposition is defined in various ways, depending on the binding party system, the legal status of parties in the Parliament and the practice developed. But undoubtedly, without opposition, control over the government would be usually only formal. The article presents a selection of the most important tools that the lower chamber of the Polish Parliament (Sejm) has at its disposal to control the Council of Ministers and the government administration, which are mainly used by opposing parliamentary groupings and circles. The author also attempts to assess how the opposition in the previous Parliament fulfilled this task.
10
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ETABLOVANÉ STRANY V OBLEŽENÍ: REKONSTRUKCE ČESKÉHO STRANICKÉHO SYSTÉMU OD 2010

75%
Charvát J.
Annales Scientia Politica
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2015
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vol. 4
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issue 2
19 – 32
EN
The paper deals with the question of party system change in the Czech Republic since the 2010 parliamentary elections. Although at least since the mid-1990s the Czech party system was considered to be one of the most stable party systems in the CEE countries, since the 2010 elections the Czech party system has been undergoing major transformation of its format and structure, mainly because of a drastic change of voter behaviour in the 2010 and 2013 parliamentary elections.
11

MODERNISATION, REGIME AND THE HUNGARIAN REALITY (A modernizacio, a rendszervaltozas es a magyar valosag)

63%
Kulcsar K.
Tarsadalomkutatas (Social Science Research)
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2009
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vol. 27
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issue 4
375-400
EN
Setting out from F. Braudel's theoretical basis of breaking up history into planes the author puts the question what kind of a process is modernisation in Hungary in respect of duration. Before suggesting an answer at first he clarifies what the concept of modernisation mean and what are the indicators of modernity. Centre and periphery are the two most important factors in the process, and the development of the former one is significantly achieved to the detriment of the latter one. Belatedness means the emulation of external pattern in the periphery, particularly in the globalised world economy. There is, however, no mechanical and linear development and it is not possible to transform a society by imported ideas and institutions. Modernisation can only unfold on the basis of the conditions of the given country. Next the author surveys the process of Hungarian modernisation and states that the country has become one without authority in the first decade of the 21st century. Further on he studies how far the political system is capable of and willing to sense and manage the problems, conflicts and changes of society. He studies political structure and culture and its pre-modern elements in this context. He finds that the inadequate elements of the state organisation and of the party system hinder modernisation. Among others the party system also does not form a modern party structure. The parties move along a forced track in the grave economic situation, their social base is uncertain and they are burdened by 'isms'. The author deals with the rule of law, legal security and the behaviour of the authorities and people as well as legal operation in a separate passage. Based on the election and governmental practice of the past twenty years he finds that anomic social phenomena do not promote the process of modernisation. For the time being modes of the solution of the economic crisis and the completion of modernisation are still awaited or are uncertain.
12

Ewolucja systemu partyjnego Republiki Mołdawii w latach 1992–2010

63%
Kotulewicz K.
Zeszyty Naukowe Uniwersytetu Ekonomicznego w Krakowie
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2012
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issue 894
5-23
EN
The article presents basic information on the party system of the Republic of Moldova and outlines the main features of that system by providing the constitutional and legal basis for the activities of political parties, the regulation of the electoral system, and presenting the elements affecting its development in light of the results of parliamentary elections in the past two decades. Moldova is a multi-party system currently consisting of 31 political parties, from which only the large ones hold a realistic chance of victory in parliamentary elections. This has an impact on the existing proportional electoral system. Frequent changes to both the size of the election threshold and electoral geography are important aspects of the development of the party system in Moldova.
13

PROBLÉMY ANALÝZY POLITICKEJ KULTÚRY – SRBSKO, CHORVÁTSKO A SLOVINSKO

51%
Slobodníková M.
Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy
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2012
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vol. 5
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issue 2
5 – 29
EN
The article aims at characteristics of the multiple approaches to the theory of the political culture of the Balkan countries. The text begins with a theoretical definition of the concept of the political culture, follows the analysis of the some views on culture and society in the Balkans. The study is focused mainly to three countries of the former Yugoslavia – Serbia, Croatia and Slovenia. The strong emphasis is given on the use of the cleavage theory. The author concludes that the cleavage theory can bring new empirically provable facts on research of political culture of the Balkan counties.
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