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EN
In historical research into the origins of the first Piast state, great significance has been attached to the hypothesis about its establishment by external conquest. In response to beliefs of this type the tendency has been to show the autonomy of the first Piast state, and its struggle with the Empire arising out efforts to establish the independence of the young state. In the 20th century historiography has also emphasized the importance of internal conquest. Relatively recently historians have started to pay attention to those aspects of the written sources showing the Piasts as rulers aspiring to find their place within the aristocracy of the Empire. The Piast dynasty appear in the written sources as allies of the Empire, in which role they also appear in dedications. They were also, as was also the case with the aristocracy of the Empire, bound to the Emperor by bonds of fidelity, or found themselves in circles opposed to the Emperor. This paper refers to not only the character of their relationship, but also to changes in the structure of it. The first representative of the Piast dynasty who is mentioned by name, turns up in the masterpiece of Widukind, who dedicated his work to the Otto’s daughter Mathilda. Appearing in the historical record for the very first time, Mieszko is presented by Widukind as ‘rex Licikavicorum’. In imperial tradition a ‘Rex Licikavicorum’ is never mentioned earlier among the tribal ‘rulers” coming into Empire’s sphere of interests. The designation ‘rex’ is also a kind of title given to an administrator of one of the smaller territorial entities. The ruler of the Polanie tribe is mentioned by Widukind in the context of an account of his relative Wichman. Nevertheless, the context of those historical facts at our disposal depict the phenomenon of the gradual integration of the Piast ruler into a political and cultural system acceptable to the annalist. Widukind also designated Mieszko as ‘amicus imperatoris’. An interesting written source referring to the contacts between the Piasts and the Empire is the ‘Life of St. Udalric’. It mentions an oath made by Mieszko when wounded in his arm by a poisoned arrow. Mieszko swore in the face of death to send to St. Udalric as a votive of a hand made of silver, if he would restore him to good health. It is worthwhile emphasizing that Mieszko regained his strength thanks to the mediation of one of the allies of Otto I. The marriage with Oda (probably in the year 979/980) was also significant. Thanks to this marriage Mieszko found himself within the ranks of the aristocracy of the Empire. From this moment onwards we can talk about the considerable promotion of the Piasts in the hierarchy of the Empire. Perhaps with this marriage came also the presence of Mieszko in the obituarial sources from within the territory of the Empire. Those obituaries were included in the so-called ‘obituary annals from Fulda’. Piasts are also mentioned in Lüneburg, Regensburg and Bamberg. The last place, Bamberg, performs a special role. Piasts were at some point the official protectors of the Emperor’s grave there. Mieszko thirty years on was treated like one of the last dukes of the Reich.
EN
The text is a synthetic presentation of the main political themes of Frederick Barbarossa’s policies towards the central European countries. The political area of Central Europe at that time is understood as comprising three kingdoms ruled by the Premyslids, the Piasts, and the Arpads. Although the political interests focused the emperor’s attention first of all on Italy, yet the implementation of these grand strategic projects subordinated to the doctrine of the empire’s honor necessarily also involved the Central European countries to a different degree in the emperor’s policies. The interest of the emperor’s policies towards those kingdoms appears to stem from three principal problems: help in the Italian expeditions, the attitude towards the papal schism, and possible decisions concerning dynastic successions in the three states as long as the ascension to the throne by a candidate guaranteed his loyalty to Barbarossa’s actions. It should be said in the context of these issues that Bohemia under the Premyslids was most closely connected with the emperor’s policy. This manifested itself in regular expeditions to Italy at the emperor’s side, for which the Czech ruler Vladislaus II even received the royal crown from Barbarossa in 1158. However, it was in Bohemia that the emperor decided who would ascend to the throne, which was unthinkable in the other kingdoms. The Piast Poland in the period of disintegration into provinces was on the periphery of the emperor’s interest. The 1157 expedition, concluded with the concord at Krzyszków, was first of all meant to prepare Europe politically and logistically for Barbarossa’s planned great expedition to Lombardy. Hungary, as a hereditary monarchy, was least influenced by the emperor’s aspirations. The reason for this state of affairs was probably also the fact that Hungary was, in a sense, a “borderland” country, where the interests of two contemporary lay powers clashed: those of the Byzantine Empire and the Holy Roman Empire. The only occasions when Frederick Barbarossa had an opportunity to interfere in Hungary’s policy were connected with conflicts within the Arpad dynasty as was the case for example in 1158 or 1162, when one of the interested parties turned to the emperor for help in winning the throne. The conclusion is that Bohemia was of the greatest value for the emperor’s imperial policy. Barbarossa certainly missed no chance to emphasize his supremacy over Poland and Hungary whenever an opportunity arose. All these actions were subordinated to and depended on Frederick’s principal programme: to defend the honor of the empire.
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