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1

Polish men and women of letters in the night of 12th/13th May 1935

100%
Majchrowski Z.
Teksty Drugie (Second Texts)
|
2006
|
issue 6(102)
34-42
EN
In the night of 12th/13th May 1935, at a name-day party held at Zofia Nalkowska's salon in Warsaw, the crowd of attending writers are receiving a telephone message about Józef Pilsudski's death. The attendees get all of a sudden confronted against a necessity to redefine their social situation, the behavioural strategies assumed by them appearing quite varied. Basing upon a total of seven literary accounts of the participants (incl. diarist records by Maria Dabrowska and Zofia Nalkowska; recollections by Maria Kuncewiczowa, Kazimierz Wierzynski, Antoni Slonimski, Witold Gombrowicz, Alfred Laszowski), the author has attempted at reconstructing the evening's events - looking for what is referential whilst what he effectively finds is mostly discrepancies. Nonetheless, whatever appears incoherent, inconsistent, uncertain as regards the facts, can be read in a different perspective: namely, as certain idiomatic representations of an experience.
2
Content available remote

CONTROVERSIES OVER THE GREATER POLAND UPRISING OF 1918/1919 IN HISTORICAL SYNTHESES

80%
Choniawko A.
Przegląd Zachodni
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2008
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issue 4(329)
125-146
EN
The manner of presentation of the genesis, course and outcome of the Greater Poland Uprising of 1918/1919 on the pages of historical syntheses differs depending on the authors' ideological assumptions and degree of knowledge of detailed studies on the subject. Controversies over the Greater Poland Uprising voiced in the historical syntheses of the interwar period stemmed from the ideologies of two rivaling political forces: the national democrats and the Pilsudski camp. The takeover of power by the Marxist left resulted in a radical change of paradigm in the manner of presentation of the genesis, course and outcome of the greater Poland Uprising. In keeping with Marxist ideology, the causes, developments and results of the uprising were traced to conflict between social classes. The year 1989 which marked the beginning of fundamental changes of the political system in Poland also brought a thorough revision of the mode of presenting the history of modern Poland. As concerns the Greater Poland Uprising those changes consisted in a complete departure from considering the event in the context of any social conflicts. The image of the Greater Poland Uprising in monographic syntheses remains far more varied than can be attributed to the style of narration of particular authors. The syntheses presenting this event are not free from oversimplifications, mental shortcuts that distort historical truth, dubious hypotheses barely supported by historical facts or simply common errors.
3

PPS MILITANT TRAINING CAMP IN CRACOW DURING THE 1905 REVOLUTION (Szkola bojowa PPS w Krakowie z okresu rewolucji 1905 roku)

80%
Potkanski W.
Studia Historyczne
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2010
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vol. 53
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issue 3(311)
301-319
EN
During the 1905 Revolution in Russia and the Kingdom of Poland activists of the Polish Socialist Party (PPS) decided to create a militant wing to conduct an armed campaign against Tsarist Russia. The militants were to be trained in a camp located in Galicia, which was part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Within a few months the socialists and their sympathizers in Cracow followed up this initiative by starting a training centre in their city. The instructors used standard military handbooks (mostly those that were in use in the armies of Poland's partitioning powers) as well as manuals they wrote themselves. The practical part of the training included shooting, use of explosives, and courses in sabotage (ie. disruption of enemy communication lines and transport routes). Formally, the training centre was commanded by Wladyslaw Jaxa-Rozen; in fact, command and coordination was in the hands of Józef Pilsudski, a fugitive who escaped from a Russian prison in 1901. The course, which lasted a few weeks, ended in a final exam. Afterwards, the participants were dispatched to the Kingdom of Poland where they were to serve as instructors of local combat groups. The Cracow base gradually transformed itself from a fast-track camp for anti-Russian militants into a centre of The Riflemen's Association, a paramilitary organization of the Polish independence-oriented left.
4

JOSEPH CONRAD VS. MARSHAL PILSUDSKI (O Conradzie i Pilsudskim)

80%
Zabierowski S.
Teksty Drugie (Second Texts)
|
2009
|
issue 3(117)
33-46
EN
The aim of this article is to present the parallels between two well-known figures, the men who were born on the borderlands of nineteenth-century Poland. One of them was an eminent Polish politician, Józef Pilsudski, and the other, a distinguished English writer - Joseph Conrad. Both of them had several things in common, for example: they had been born into landed-gentry families (the so-called 'szlachta'); they were raised in a patriotic atmosphere within the shadow cast by national tragedy of the 1863 Uprising; they assimilated the cult of Polish romantic literature. However, later, their lives differed. Conrad did not believe in a reconstruction of independent Poland. Pilsudski, on the other hand, was the one who substantiated the restoration of the Polish state. Having achieved that, he gained the writer's respect - whereas the politician became a great admirer of the author of Lord Jim.
5
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THE RESOLUTION OF THE LEGISLATIVE SEJM OF 20 FEBRUARY 1919 PROVIDING FOR THE CONTINUED EXERCISE BY JÓZEF PILSUDSKI OF THE OFFICE OF THE HEAD OF STATE

80%
Kulesza W. T.
Przegląd Sejmowy
|
2007
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issue 5(82)
33-55
EN
The return of Józef Pilsudski from German prison and the decisions of the Regency Council formally handing power over to him and, then, granting to him the whole military power in the country marked the beginning of the reconstruction of an independent Polish state. The first legislative act concerning the system of government (i.e. the Decree of 22 November 1918 on the supreme representative authority in the Republic of Poland) was drawn by Piłsudski who, became a Provisional Head of State. He was given the entire civil and military powers to be exercised until the election of a parliament. The parliament was to adopt a new constitution. However, prior to that, the Legislative Sejm adopted another provisional act. The resolution of the Legislative Sejm of 20 February 1919 providing for the continued exercise by Pilsudski of the office of the head of state was composed of two parts: in the first one the Sejm took cognizance of the declaration by Pilsudski about his resignation from office to the Sejm and expressed gratitude for his previous activity. In the second part, the Chamber entrusted Pilsudski with the continued exercise of the office, at the same time specifying the 'principles' of such exercise. The Legislative Sejm was made a 'sovereign and highest authority', while the Head of State was given the status of a 'representative of the State' being 'the supreme executor of the resolutions adopted by the Sejm on civil and military matters'. He was given the power to appoint 'a government in its entire composition based on agreement with the Sejm'. Both the Head of State and the government were accountable to the Sejm for 'the exercise of the office' and a signature of an appropriate minister was required for validity of any official act (the so-called state act) issued by the Head of State. In the opinion of the Polish constitutionalists of the pre-war period (such as Waclaw Komarnicki), as well as constitutional law historians after WW II (including, in particular, Michal Pietrzak and Andrzej Ajnenkiel), this act was quickly prepared and imperfectly constructed from the point of view of legislative standards and - according to the intention of its authors - was to be a provisional solution. The resolution implemented a system based on a superior position of parliament. However, the practice strengthened the position of the Head of State in his relations with the constituent assembly. As a Commander-in-Chief, Pilsudski retained full control over the army and was able to substantially influence foreign policy of successive governments. What was the most important, was that as a result of his actions, Pilsudski led to the situation in which each newly formed government had to gain confidence of both the Legislative Sejm and the Head of State. Comparing the events during the first years after regaining independence in Poland with the situation of its neighbours, especially those that at that time appeared in the map of Europe as independent states, we can find some regularities. Provisional acts concerning the system of government were created in two phases: first, preceding the setting up of the constituent assembly and the second - by virtue of decisions of the constituent assembly itself (given at that time the highest place within the branches of power). The provisions of provisional constitutional acts, based on the principle of supremacy of the legislature, very often substantially influenced the solutions of 'regular' constitutions. .
6

THE DEATH OF JÓZEF PILSUDSKI, ITS PERCEPTION IN THE UNITED STATES AND THE JEWISH QUESTION IN POLAND (Smierc Józefa Pilsudskiego i jej postrzeganie w Stanach Zjednoczonych a zagadnienia zydowskie w Polsce)

70%
Rozanski P.
Dzieje Najnowsze
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2008
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issue 4
145-157
EN
Both American diplomacy and the American Jews relatively rapidly noticed the significance of the death of Marshal Józef Pilsudski for the situation of the Jewish population in Poland. The American ambassadors: John Cudahy and Anthony J. Drexel Biddle, Jr. observed a rise of anti-Jewish moods in Poland, including the official state circles, in the second half of the 1930s. At the same time, they stressed the positive role played by Pilsudski in stifling Polish anti-Semitism. A similar dependence between the death of the Marshal and the increased tide of anti-Semitism was perceived by the American Jewish Committee in its annual reports from 1936-1937. Respect expressed for Józef Pilsudski and, by contrast, disapproval for his political epigones, are to be found in the declarations made by the Federation of Polish Jews in America. The important 'New York Times' also accentuated the positive part performed by Pilsudski for the Jewish minority in Poland.
7

THE BEGINNINGS OF THE POLITICAL CAREER OF KAZIMIERZ SWITALSKI (1903-1918) (Poczatki dzialalnosci politycznej Kazimierza Switalskiego (1903-1918)

61%
Serwatka T.
Studia Historyczne
|
2009
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vol. 52
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issue 304
251-261
EN
The political career of Kazimierz Switalski (1903-1918), one of the closest collaborators of Józef Pilsudski, is reconstructed here on the basis of Switalski's private papers kept in the Special Collection of the National Library in Warsaw, his diaries and personal documents from the Central Military Archives and courthouse records from the State Archives of the Capital City of Warsaw. As a young man, ie in secondary school and during his studies (1903-1910), Switalski was not a sympathizer of Pilsudski; he seemed to have been more responsive to the ideas of the left, especially the Socialists. The outbreak of the First World War in 1914 was for him something of catalyst: he joined the First Brigade of the Polish Legions, and then worked for the Polish Military Organisation (1917-1918). In November 1918 he took part in the fighting against Ukrainian nationalists in Lvov (Lwów).
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