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1

EUROPEAN DIPLOMACY AND ISRAELI-PALESTINIAN CONFLICT, 1978 – 1980

100%

Michaľák T.

Asian and African Studies

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2021

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vol. 30

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issue 2

313 - 331

EN

In addition to the bloodstained battle in Lebanon, the closing years of the 1970s also saw the Israelis at loggerheads with the Palestinians on the diplomatic “battlefield.” While the Israeli representatives continued to refuse any idea of negotiation with the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), arguing that it was a terrorist group whose main aim was to destroy Israel; the PLO representatives struggled to assure world leaders that they were ready to accept a diplomatic settlement of the conflict based on mutual compromise. The hopes that the American president Jimmy Carter had given to the Palestinians at the beginning of his office were not fulfilled. Carter’s 1977 idea of a “Palestinian homeland” had not been realized. In contrast, the occupation of Palestinian territory and the construction of new illegal Israeli settlements intensified. Therefore, Yāsir cArafāt, the PLO chairman, needed to search for international support elsewhere.

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PLO AND THE CIVIL WAR IN JORDAN (1970)

63%

Michaľák T.

Asian and African Studies

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2012

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vol. 21

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issue 1

106 – 121

EN

The June War changed the regional balance in the Middle East, weakening the position of Arab states. The three Arab countries directly involved in the war with Israel lost an important and strategic part of their territories. After a swift air and ground attack, Egypt lost the Sinai Peninsula, which resulted in the closure of the Suez Canal, unfavourably affecting the Egyptian state budget. Syria was pushed out of the Golan Heights – an excellent vantage point for shelling Damascus. This military weakness led top governmental representatives to consider the possibility of a new Israeli attack. Jordan suffered a real loss, not only of territorial but also religious significance. It lost control of the whole West Bank of the Jordan River, including East Jerusalem. Jordanian King Eusayn was aware of the fact that the Israeli seizure of the West Bank called for quick action as a long-term occupation could thwart the unification of the kingdom.

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Palestyńska Władza Narodowa osiem lat po arabskiej wiośnie

51%

Bojko K.

Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe

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2018

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issue 3

81-105

EN

Despite the hopes of the Palestinians, the outbreak of the Arab Spring, instead of accelerating positive changes, led to a significant deterioration of the situation in the region and in the Palestinian Authority itself. Positive economic processes have been stopped. Successive Israeli military operations devastated the Gaza Strip. The divisions on the West Bank ruled by the Palestine Liberation Organization and Hamas controlling the Gaza Strip deepened. Social sentiment among Palestinians has deteriorated. In view of the emergence of the so-called Islamic State in the region, the international community, in particular the US, lost interest in resolving the Middle Eastern conflict. The moving of the US embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem, in May 2018, was a blow to the Palestinians. But what’s the worst, is the loss of Israeli trust to the Palestinians, especially the fact that the idea of a two-state solution has been questioned in Israel. The partial success that the Palestinians achieved by obtaining the status of an observer in the United Nations in 2012 does not balance the losses that the 2011–2018 period brought to the Palestinian cause. There are many indications that the Palestinian National Authority is at a crossroad, on the eve of changes that will have to take into account the changes that have taken place in recent years.

PL

Wbrew nadziejom Palestyńczyków wybuch Arabskiej Wiosny, zamiast przyśpieszyć pozytywne przemiany doprowadził do pogorszenia sytuacji w regionie i samej Autonomii Palestyńskiej. Zostały zatrzymane oczekiwane procesy gospodarcze. Doszło do kilku dewastujących Strefę Gazy operacji militarnych Izraela. Pogłębiły się podziały – na Zachodni Brzeg rządzony przez OWP oraz Hamas kontrolujący Strefę Gazy. Pogorszeniu uległy nastroje społeczne wśród Palestyńczyków. Wobec pojawienia się w regionie tzw. Państwa Islamskiego, wspólnota międzynarodowa, w szczególności USA, straciły zainteresowanie trudnym do rozwiązania konﬂ iktem bliskowschodnim. Ciosem dla Palestyńczyków było przeniesienie przez Donalda Trumpa, w maju 2018 r., ambasady USA w Izraelu z Tel Awiwu do Jerozolimy. Wobec pogłębiających się problemów w Autonomii Palestyńskiej, w tym utraty zaufania do Palestyńczyków ze strony Izraela, kwestionowana zaczęła być w Izraelu idea rozwiązania dwupaństwowego, to jest przyszłego pokojowego współistnienia żydowskiego Izraela i arabskiej Palestyny. Połowiczny sukces, jaki osiągnęli Palestyńczycy uzyskując w 2012 r. statusu państwa obserwatora w ONZ nie równoważy strat, dla sprawy palestyńskiej z lat 2011–2018. Wiele wskazuje, że Palestyńska Władza Narodowa znajduje się dziś w przededniu przeobrażeń, które będą musiały uwzględnić niekorzystne zmiany, które zaszły w ostatnich latach.

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EUROPEAN DIPLOMACY AND ISRAELI-PALESTINIAN CONFLICT, 1978 – 1980

PLO AND THE CIVIL WAR IN JORDAN (1970)

Palestyńska Władza Narodowa osiem lat po arabskiej wiośnie