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HERMETIC OR OPEN - POLISH EDUCATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS (Miedzy hermetyzacja a otwarciem polonijnych organizacji oswiatowych)

100%
Bogdan C., Maria K.
Studia Migracyjne - Przegląd Polonijny
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2010
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vol. 36
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issue 3(137)
5-19
EN
The article discusses the problem of the Polish Diaspora's system of education, in the areas where they settled after the 1989 political transformation in Poland. The Polish system of education and its functioning was distinguished in the countries of Western Europe, allowing the development of a Polish minority system of education, even an incentive towards its creation. Meanwhile, the system of education has experienced difficulties in its development, since students during Sunday schools do not receive sufficient knowledge, especially in comparison with school, where they learn every day. For many of them, knowledge on their home country is of relatively little use in their careers, especially since a large amount of information can be obtained via the Internet. Poland is not an attractive country to Western countries in terms of economy and civilization. The fact that the Polish language is difficult to learn and is spoken by a relatively small proportion of Europeans also discourages young Poles in exile to make special effort to acquaint themselves with Polish materials apart from those they receive at school, where they are obliged to attend. Polish schools are thus in danger of becoming hermetically sealed, and symptoms of this are already visible. The situation of Poles in Eastern Europe is quite different. Here, the prestige of the Polish state is completely different. Poland is a country with a higher standard of living in relation to the Polish Diaspora's country of residence, Polish culture and civilization appear to be of a higher standard. Polish minority primary and secondary schools offer the opportunity to take the Polish certificate of secondary education. Attending Polish secondary school opens the door to Polish universities, a very attractive prospect to the Polish minority. In order to get access to the Polish system of education Ukrainians, Belarusians and even Russians also attempt to be educated in Polish minority schools. Hence, the condition of Polish education is positively assessed, despite the fact that the countries where the schools exist do not encourage their development, on the contrary, they intentionally hinder it. Attention is also drawn to the experience of the Polish minority activist, Full Professor Daniel Kadlubiec in Zaolzie, who said in an interview that the transfer of the same rights to a national minority as to the majority was not entirely fair, since in order for a minority to function at the same level in a society, it must be given specific privileges for which there is no social acquiescence.
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AN EMIGRATORY VISION OF SOCIALISM (Emigracyjna wizja socjalizmu)

100%
Anna S.
Studia Migracyjne - Przegląd Polonijny
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2010
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vol. 36
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issue 2(136)
55-72
EN
After World War II, most Polish political parties active during the interwar period were forced to remain in exile and continue their activity. Among these parties was the Polish Socialist Party (PPS), which was established in 1892. Many well-known activists of the party such as Zygmunt Zaremba, Adam Ciolkosz, Adam Pragier and Tomasz Arciszewski, the last prime minister of the Polish government in exile recognized by the Western allies, settled in England. The Polish Socialist Party was part of the international social democracy, belonging to the Socialist International, set up in 1951 in Frankfurt, and Adam Ciolkosz was a member of the team which prepared the programmatic declaration on the International 'Aims and Tasks of 'Democratic Socialism'. Polish socialists in exile considered themselves representatives of the Polish society that could not freely express its views under Communist rule. The socialists were convinced that when Poland regained full independence, people in free elections would opt for their program. They called it the 'socialist alternative' to 'communist dictatorship.' In general, the PPS program coincided with the objectives of 'democratic socialism', although it must be admitted that PPS - in contrast to most social democratic parties of the West - never rejected the Marxist analysis of social phenomena. PPS worked very closely with the parties from socialist countries operating in exile and behind the Iron Curtain. The parties were grouped in the 'Socialist Union of Central-Eastern Europe'.
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Między absencją a zaangażowaniem. Diaspora polska wobec organizacji polonijnych (komunikat z badań)

80%
Fiń A., Nowak W.
Studia Migracyjne - Przegląd Polonijny
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2015
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vol. 41
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issue 2 (156)
145–164
EN
The paper aims at presenting the conclusions of research encompassing: an analysis of the social participation of Poles living abroad alongside with a diagnosis of crucial determinants of that involvement, a diagnosis of their opinions concerning the functioning of Polish diaspora organisations, and the identifi cation of Poles’ readiness to become involved in such organisations. The analysis is based on empirical data collected during an internet survey among Poles living in 11 Western European countries and the USA and a qualitative study conducted among Polish diaspora elites in those countries. Results of the empirical research show that the surveyed Poles living abroad were characterised by: relatively low knowledge of Polish diaspora organisations, a low level of involvement in Polish diaspora organisations, and a low level of readiness for future involvement in such organisations. Moreover, the research proved low levels of the survey participants’ general involvement in three distinct aspects of social life: political, cultural and civil. The article also presents the main determinants of the diagnosed social phenomena.
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THE STATUS AND CONDITIONS OF EDUCATION, NATIONAL IDENTITY AND CULTURAL DIVERSITY PRESERVATION IN THE POLISH DIASPORA (Stan i uwarunkowania oswiaty polonijnej a zachowanie tozsamosci narodowej i kulturowej)

80%
Kazimierz D.
Studia Migracyjne - Przegląd Polonijny
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2010
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vol. 36
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issue 3(137)
21-33
EN
Education acts as a very important link between Poland, the country of residence of Poles and the so-called Polish Diaspora. It has often been the only opportunity to highlight the individual Polish character in an ethnically and culturally different world. The title includes four elements which the author attempts to consider - two dynamic (status and conditions) - subject to constant change - and two, seemingly unchanging or changing only in the long term - preserving national and cultural identity. This issue is discussed using the example of some European Union countries, some non-EU countries neighbouring the III Republic of Poland, as well as the United States and Canada. The author points out the relationship between the condition of Polish Diaspora education and political and economic factors in these countries as well as the policy pursued by the III Republic of Poland. There are some regularities in this aspect, depending on the area of residence of Poles. The author also points out the relationship between the situation of Polish Diaspora education and the conditions of its existence. This implies preservation of national identity and culture, variously conceived and formulated by Poles in exile and the Polish Diaspora, who increasingly drop the first part - national identity and emphasize - cultural identity. It becomes symptomatic - it is easy to lose cultural awareness without preservation of an overriding national awareness. Thus, what is the role of Polish Diaspora education? Is there a need to preserve national and cultural identity, particularly in the European Union? The author looks for answers, giving a brief on forms of education in different countries of residence of Poles and Polish Diaspora. He sees the goal of education not so much as promoting knowledge, but as preserving and handing down the universal values important for earlier generations, and relevant for some time. The unification that is so-called globalism adversely affects the status of national and cultural identity preservation. The more intensive the process of globalization, the less people's awareness of national identity and sense of belonging to a specific culture. In a globalized world, there is no room for national awareness and cultural identity. It may seem that a person who wants to keep these two elements, remains on the verge of global society.
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POLISH AMERICAN PARISHES IN THE UNITED STATES: REFLECTIONS ON THEIR FUTURE, ON THE BASIS OF NEW JERSEY'S EXPERIENCE

80%
Grondelski John M.
Studia Migracyjne - Przegląd Polonijny
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2010
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vol. 36
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issue 2(136)
105-122
EN
Polish-American parishes are among the greatest, most extensive, and threatened achievements of American Polonia: from a zenith of over 900 churches, only about 400 survive today, many located in dioceses where local bishops are bent on parish 'consolidation' or closing. Part I of this paper sketches a brief history of Polonian parishes in the United States, focusing on their period of greatest growth (the second half of the 19th century through the first quarter of the twentieth). Part II examines factors for the decline of the Polonian parish, a process that began accelerating in the 1970s, although some causative factors were laid decades earlier. Those factors discusses include: trends towards individualization and isolation in American culture; increased physical mobility in the United States and the decline/destruction of physically-located Polonian communities; attitudes of Catholic bishops in the United States towards ethnic parishes (including general lack of appreciation of cultural diversity and the role of parishes in sustaining it); and the role of priests in maintaining or subverting ethnic parishes. Part III examines a phenomenon observed in New Jersey: the assumption of responsibility for particular parishes (St. Stephen's, Perth Amboy; Sacred Heart, Manville) by Polish male religious orders. The author argues that facilitating the transition of Polonian parishes to the care of Polish male religious orders may be a beneficial middle-term solution for maintaining existing Polish parishes, because such orders provide clergy, generally reinforce the parish's ethnic identity, often revitalize the general ministry of the parish, and effectively provide a buffer that provides some degree of 'insulation' from the local Ordinary and extant parochial 'consolidation'/closing schemes.
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FOR MYSELF OR FOR MY COUNTRY? SOCIAL DETERMINANTS OF THE POLISH EMIGRATION'S POLITICAL ACTIVITY (Dla siebie czy dla kraju? Spoleczne uwarunkowania aktywnosci politycznej emigracji polskiej)

80%
Radzik T.
Studia Migracyjne - Przegląd Polonijny
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2010
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vol. 36
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issue 2(136)
23-38
EN
Analysing the social activity of Polish emigration in the twentieth century, mainly political but in part labour related, the historian encounters numerous declarations, manifestos and proclamations, where the essence of emigration, starting from the decision to leave the country and stay in exile until the end of activity abroad, is portrayed as the fight for a free, sovereign Poland, in line with the political ideals of the emigrant. Numerous references are made to the idea of a 'great emigration' and 'noble emigration' after the January Uprising. In the case of Polish emigration to the United Kingdom after World War II, the term 'the second great emigration' was adopted in London. Without denying in the slightest the prerequisites of patriotic political exile or the political behaviour of labour emigration, attention should be paid to the non-political conditions that played a role in the decision of masses to emigrate as well as their organizational, socio-cultural and even scientific activity. To some extent we can speak of a certain mythologising of the role of emigrants and their relation to Poland. The text is an analysis of how this myth was created and how it has been supported by real events. It begins by looking at overseas emigration from Polish territories at the end of the nineteenth century and the role of the Polish Diaspora in promoting independence during World War I, then goes on to look at migration issues related to World War II and the concentration of Poles in the UK.
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POLISH DIASPORA MEDIA - A SOURCE OF INFORMATION OR A CREATOR OF CULTURAL AND NATIONAL IDENTITY (Media polonijne - zrodlo informacji czy tez kreator tozsamosci kulturowej i narodowej)

80%
Piatkowska-Stepaniak W., Trela-Mazur E.
Studia Migracyjne - Przegląd Polonijny
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2010
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vol. 36
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issue 3(137)
65-82
EN
Polish Diaspora media activities in Europe and the United States, as well as the processes that accompany them, encourage comparison. The text discusses Polish Diaspora media in Europe (with the example of a number of periodicals in Belgium) and newspapers and magazines currently published in the U.S. This comparison makes a selective analysis of the similarities and differences in program lines, possibilities for maintaining a presence on the market, as well as the scope and effectiveness of impact. Polish Diaspora media historically and currently include countless newspapers, magazines, newsletters, and now websites, radio and even television channels. A few years ago the Polish Diaspora press reached a peak of several thousand titles. Brussels, which has become the European centre for Poland as well, is the meeting place of post-war emigration with all-new Euro emigrants of a very different provenance. Different views and needs are reflected in the media. In the United States, writing about the contemporary challenges for American national identity, Samuel Huntington asks: Who are we? This question relates to the American nation, thus it refers to a certain extent also to the Polish Diaspora in America. It reflects the functioning of Polish-American media. In editorials until now, efforts to strengthen the importance of the Polish ethnic group in the United States have been widely recognized as a priority. This is exemplified in recent years by the media-supported action, such as anti-communist rallies and demonstrations, freedom rallies for oppressed countries, action for the benefit of the National Treasury Committee, the Polish Diaspora media, and Polish-American organizations headed by the Polish-American Congress. When in 1971 'Nowy Dziennik' was created in New York, its role became so prominent that during the 1970s a dramatic decline in Polish newspapers in America began. Extremely meritorious titles in traditional Polish centres like Chicago, Milwaukee, Detroit, Pittsburgh, Cleveland, Buffalo and New York began to decline and eventually disappear from the market. An example of 'Nowy Dziennik' attests to the difficulties of media impact on Polish-American communities. For decades it was counted as one of the most influential Polish language newspapers but it never exceeded 30 thousand copies daily. This newspaper office has long ago ceased to be that special place in Manhattan, where - like in the case of Jerzy Giedroyc, Maisons Laffitte, near Paris - compatriots from America and Poland made their pilgrimage. Regardless of the degree of Polish immigrants' assimilation to the rest of American society, Polish ethnic groups in the US and Polish-language newspapers face new challenges. Today it is difficult to unequivocally determine whether they are able to meet them. However, this in no way diminishes the importance of activities taken by the Polish Diaspora media for the creation of Polish lobbying groups in American politics. Sound lobbyists are still those people for whom the Polish question, Polish culture and science, the image of Poland in the USA and the world, are matters close at heart.
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EDUCATION AND THE POLISH DIASPORA CULTURE VS. THE CONCEPT OF MULTICULTURALISM (Oswiata i kultura polonijna a koncepcja wielokulturowosci)

80%
Jasinski Z.
Studia Migracyjne - Przegląd Polonijny
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2010
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vol. 36
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issue 3(137)
35-48
EN
In response to a new approach to the problems of national minorities and ethnic groups, a model of multicultural society and intercultural education has been created. This education requires: openness to others and willingness to understand others, their culture, issues and problems. This model does not necessarily interest minorities, as it could be seen as leading to assimilation and loss of identity. The independent education and national life of minorities or ethnic groups give a better chance to get to know one's native language, culture, and preserve one's national identity, but due to restrictions, do not give equal educational and cultural opportunities, often creating ethnic 'ghettos', and hindering functioning in the mainstream society. The idea of multiculturalism has been put into practice in many countries through state support in preserving the cultural heritage of national minorities and ethnic groups, including Polish Diaspora organizations.
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SITUATION OF THE POLISH DIASPORA IN MANCHURIA IN 1929 (IN THE LIGHT OF THE RAPORT BY CONSUL KONSTANTY SYMONOLEWICZ) (Sytuacja materialna Polonii mandzurskiej w 1929 r. (w swietle raportu Konsula RP Konstantego Symonolewicza))

80%
Skora W.
Przegląd Orientalistyczny
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2010
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issue 3-4 (234-235)
125-140
EN
The article aims to present the 1929 report by Konstanty Symonolewicz, Polish Consul in Harbin, whose short biography (he was a famous Polish sinologist) is also included. The article discusses the financial situation of the Polish diaspora living in Manchuria in the first half of the 20th century. In the mid 1920s, approximately 5000 Poles lived in China, including almost 3000 in Harbin. They went back to Poland and, towards the end of the decade, the Polish diaspora in Harbin amounted to approximately 2000 persons. Many worked on the railway and at the Polish sugar refinery in Acheng. The wealthiest Pole, Wladyslaw Kowalski, leased huge forest areas and conducted extensive business activity. Symonolewicz's report is an insightful description of economic and political realities in northern Manchuria after the fall of the Russian domination and before the Japanese invasion. It reveals the decline of the Polish economic 'power' in the region, which, just like the Russian and then the Japanese powers - gave in to the dominance of the Chinese authorities.
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I HAVE LEFT JUST LIKE THAT... AND I AM NOT AN EMIGRANT. POLISH DOMINANT MIGRATION DISCOURSE AND ITS CONTESTATION BASED ON THE EXAMPLE OF THE UK (Polish title - below)

80%
Garapich M. P.
Studia Migracyjne - Przegląd Polonijny
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2009
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vol. 35
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issue 4(134)
41-65
EN
(Title in Polish - ' Wyjechalem ot, tak... i nie jestem emigrantem. Polski dominujacy dyskurs migracyjny i jego kontestacje na przykladzie Wielkiej Brytanii'). In 1985, a student of Florian Znaniecki, the migration and multiculturalism researcher, Professor Jerzy Zubrzycki, gave a lecture at the University of London entitled 'Peasants and soldiers, the sociology of Polish emigration'. In the author's opinion, the theses and concepts used in the lecture are examples, characteristic to Polish culture, of dominant migration discourse that may be described as dominant, symbolic structures, determined by methodological nationalism, defining concepts of spatial movement beyond the country border and imaginary community. The chief function of the discourse is the reproduction of a border concept, and thus symbolically defining the concept of community. By using the approach of Gerd Baumann on the relationship between dominant and colloquial discourse, this article shows how today's Polish migrants , challenge the dominant narrative, or manipulate it, and how that discourse contributes to the reproduction of power relations in Polish communities in the UK, especially in the context of the British multiculturalism model crisis.
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PARTICIPATION OF POLISH DIASPORAS IN THE RESTORATION OF THE RACLAWICE PANORAMA IN THE LIGHT OF THE RACLAWICE PANORAMA SOCIAL COMMITTEE (1980-1985) FILES (Polish title - below)

70%
Wojdon J.
Studia Migracyjne - Przegląd Polonijny
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2009
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vol. 35
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issue 4(134)
95-103
EN
(Title in Polish - 'Udzial Polonii w restaurowaniu Panoramy Raclawickiej w swietle akt Spolecznego Komitetu Panoramy Raclawickiej (1980-1985'). The aim of the Raclawice Panorama Social Committee, founded in 1981 in Wroclaw and chaired by Professor Alfred Jahn, was to bring to a successful end the long-awaited communist authorities' decision, in the autumn of this year, on the restoration of the Racławice Panorama, which was destroyed during the Second World War in Lvov, and to promote the project among the broad masses of the Polish society. Among those present to whom the Committee's appeals for help in the restoration were addressed, there were also representatives of the Polish diasporas in different countries. Correspondence, mainly with the Polish diasporas of the US, Canada and Austria, survived in the Committee files. It mainly focused on financial matters and help in the purchase of materials which were not then available in Poland. Compared to the Polish American Congress (PAC) documents it can be concluded that the PAC proved to be the only institution of the Polish diaspora which was able to support the Panorama reconstruction project to a significant degree. However, it is impossible to precisely determine either the exact amount, or the method of transfer. Analyzing the correspondence, allows us to perceive how the Polish-diaspora organizations operated, their weak material base and also the restrictions in the flow of information caused by martial law.
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Próba przeglądu problemów, źródeł i opracowań na temat losów Polek na emigracji przed II wojną światową

61%
Reczyńska A.
Studia Migracyjne - Przegląd Polonijny
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2019
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vol. 45
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issue 4 (174)
27–56
PL
Od końca XVIII w. ziemie polskie opuszczały kolejne fale zesłańców, uchodźców politycznych i emigrantów. Były wśród nich również kobiety. Ich udział w ruchach migracyjnych, problemy i doświadczenia podróży oraz zmiany związane z nowym miejscem osiedlenia są jednak w większości opracowań historycznych pomijane i marginalizowane. Wynika to z braku źródeł, z braku szczegółowych badań nad udziałem oraz rolą kobiet w kolejnych falach polskich migracji, ale też z braku zainteresowania tą sferą ze strony historyków. Ostania z wymienionych barier jest przełamywana dopiero od lat 80. XX w., a wcześniejsze opracowania bazują głównie na doświadczeniach mężczyzn. Celem artykułu jest próba ukazania stanu badań dotyczących kolejnych okresów, różnych kierunków oraz zagadnień związanych z migracjami Polek od XIX w. do wybuchu II wojny światowej. Przedstawiona problematyka obejmuje zarówno migracje polityczne, wyjazdy na studia, różne kierunki emigracji zarobkowej jak i przemieszczenia z okresu I wojny światowej. Zestawienie dostępnych danych statystycznych dowodzi stopniowego zwiększania udziału kobiet wśród polskich migrantów. Ich odsetek, koleje losu oraz procesy przemian pozycji w rodzinie a także w lokalnej i ponadlokalnej społeczności etnicznej i poza nią zależały tak od okresu emigracji, kraju oraz miejsca osiedlenia jak i od charakteru podejmowanych zajęć. Ważnym czynnikiem wydaje się także nastawienie i pomoc dla kobiet – imigrantek w krajach ich osiedlenia.
EN
Since the end of the 18th century, Former Polish territories had been abandoned by successive waves of deportees, political refugees and emigrants. Among them there were also women. However, their participation in migratory movements, problems and experiences of travel as well as changes related to the new settlement are omitted and marginalized in most historical studies. This results from the lack of sources, lack of detailed research on the participation and role of women in subsequent waves and directions of Polish migration, as well as from the lack of interest in this subject on the part of historians. It should be stressed that the last of these barriers has been broken only since the 1980s. The examples presented here show, however, that the history of Polish emigration is based mainly on the experiences of men. The aim of the article is to present the state of research concerning subsequent periods, different directions and familiar and less familiar issues related to the migration of Polish women from the 19th century till the outbreak of World War II. The presented issues include political migrations, study trips, various directions of economic emigration (Ruhr, France, USA, Brazil, Canada) as well as relocations from the period of World War I. The comparison of available statistical data shows a gradual increase in the number of women among Polish migrants. Their percentage, the course of fate and the processes of change in their position within the family as well as in the local and supra-local ethnic community and beyond it had been shaped in different ways. They depended both on the period of emigration, the country and place of settlement as well as the nature of the activities undertaken. Another important factor seems to be the attitude and assistance for women- -immigrants in the countries of their settlement. This issue, however, still remains in the sphere of suggestions for future researchers, both men and women.
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Polish Americans’ reception of the „Solidarity” immigration cohort

61%
Wojdon J.
Studia Migracyjne - Przegląd Polonijny
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2018
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vol. 44
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issue 4 (170)
31–43
EN
The article discusses mutual relations between the Polish American ethnic group and new immigrants from Poland who were arriving to the United States in the 1980s. Th e author claims that despite high expectations of both sides the relations were far from harmonious and mutually rewarding, provides examples and formulates reasons thereof. The emphasis is put on the differences between the two groups. The experiences of post-World War II Polish exiles in their contacts with the established Polish diaspora serve as a point of reference.
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Role polskich kobiet w kształtowaniu i wspieraniu tożsamości dzieci pochodzenia polskiego w społecznych szkołach polonijnych we Francji

51%
Krzyworzeka-Jelinowska A.
Studia Migracyjne - Przegląd Polonijny
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2019
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vol. 45
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issue 4 (174)
119–138
PL
Historia migracji Polek i Polaków do Francji jest długa, bogata i zróżnicowana pod względem płci migrujących osób, wykształcenia, struktury wieku oraz powodów emigracji. Ostatnia fala emigracji, która opuściła kraj w okresie przystąpienia Polski do Unii Europejskiej i otwarcia francuskiego rynku pracy dla Polaków, charakteryzuje się wyraźną samoorganizacją w sferze praktyk edukacyjnych dla dzieci. Oddolna mobilizacja edukacyjna jest zdecydowanie zdeterminowana przez płeć, a jej siłę i determinację unaoczniają liczne szkoły społeczne powstałe z indywidualnych i kolektywnych inicjatyw. W artykule przedstawię wstępne wyniki moich badań pochodzące z wywiadów pogłębionych z liderkami i nauczycielkami tamtejszego środowiska polonijnego oraz uzupełnię je wnioskami z obserwacji uczestniczącej.
EN
The history of migration of Polish women and men to France is long, rich and diverse in terms of gender, education level, age structure and purpose of emigration. The last wave of emigration, which dates to around Poland’s accession to the European Union and the opening of the French labor market for Poles, is characterized by a clear self-organization in the sphere of educational practices for children. The grassroots of educational mobilization is definitely determined by gender and numerous supplementary schools created from individual and collective initiatives illustrate its strength and determination. In the article I present the preliminary results of my research resulting from in-depth interviews with leaders and teachers of the Polish diaspora in France. I conclude with the analysis of questionnaires and participant observation.
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UPOLITYCZNIENIE EMIGRACJI I DIASPORY. ANALIZA DYSKURSU POLITYCZNEGO W POLSCE W LATACH 1991–2015

51%
Lesińska M.
Studia Migracyjne - Przegląd Polonijny
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2016
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vol. 42
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issue 3 (161)
11-30
PL
W artykule analizowany jest proces upolitycznienia emigracji i diaspory poprzez śledzenie obecności tematów związanych z emigracją i diasporą w polskim dyskursie politycznym. Zastosowaną metodą badania jest jakościowa analiza treści, przedmiotem analizy są programy polityczne partii politycznych, materiały i dokumenty opracowywane na potrzeby kampanii wyborczych, exposé premierów, akty prawne i programy rządowe. Analiza obejmuje okres od wyborów 1991 roku po kadencję parlamentu 2011–2015. Bardziej szczegółowa analiza dotyczy lat 2005–2011, czyli okresu po akcesji Polski do UE, symbolizującej początek ostatniej fali masowej emigracji i wzrost zainteresowania aktorów politycznych problemem emigracji i Polakami za granicą. Główne pytania badawcze dotyczą obecności emigracji i diaspory w dyskursie politycznym: w programach partyjnych, exposé premierów, działaniach kolejnych parlamentów i rządów. Analiza wykazała, że tematy dotyczące emigracji i diaspory były obecne (choć w różnym zakresie) podczas każdych wyborów, ale największe zainteresowanie nimi nastąpiło w okresie kampanii wyborczej w 2007 roku. Nie były one jednak przedmiotem polaryzacji (sporów politycznych), poszczególni aktorzy polityczni byli raczej zgodni w diagnozie sytuacji oraz treści proponowanych rozwiązań.
EN
The article explores the process of politicization of emigration and the diaspora by tracking the presence of topics related to emigration and the diaspora in the political discourse in Poland. The method used in the study is qualitative content analysis; the subject of the analysis are political programs of political parties, materials and documents developed for the purposes of election campaigns, exposés of prime ministers, legal acts, and government programs. The analysis covers the period from the elections 1991 till the 2011–2015 parliamentary term. A more detailed analysis concerns the years 2005–2011, the period after the Polish accession to the EU which symbolizes the beginning of the recent wave of mass emigration and increased interest of political actors in the problem of emigration and Poles abroad. The main research questions relate to the presence of emigration and the diaspora in the political discourse: in the programs of political parties, exposés of prime ministers, the activities of successive parliaments and governments. The analysis shows that topics related to emigration and the diaspora were present (albeit to varying degrees) during each election, but the biggest interest took place during the 2007 election campaign. What is more important, the issues of emigration and the diaspora were not the subject of polarization (political disputes) as various political actors tended to agree on the diagnosis of the situation and the content of the proposed solutions.
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MOBILNOŚĆ EDUKACYJNA W SYTUACJI MIGRACJI DO KORZENI: POLSKA DIASPORA NA STUDIACH W KRAJU PRZODKÓW

41%
Gońda M.
Studia Migracyjne - Przegląd Polonijny
|
2017
|
vol. 43
|
issue 1 (163)
229-258
PL
Polska, kraj tradycyjnie emigracyjny, w ostatnim czasie doświadcza powolnej, acz stałej migracji powrotnej. Wśród powracających znaczną liczbę stanowią młode osoby polskiego pochodzenia z krajów byłego ZSRR, które podejmują studia w Polsce. Niniejszy artykuł, bazujący na danych empirycznych o charakterze narracyjnym, jest, po pierwsze, próbą zastosowania koncepcji „migracji do korzeni” do opisu mobilności edukacyjnej młodych członków polskiej diaspory ze Wschodu. Po drugie, odtwarza biograficzny wymiar ich migracji do kraju przodków. Po trzecie, artykuł analizuje wpływ migracji do korzeni na przemiany tożsamości zbiorowej i poczucie przynależności narodowej studentów.
EN
Poland, having been a sending migration country for decades, recently experiences slow albeit consistent return migration. There is a large group of youth of Polish origin from the former USSR states who enrol for higher studies in Poland. Firstly, this autobiographical narrative interviews-based study attempts to apply the “roots migration” concept to young Polish diaspora members’ educational mobility patterns. Secondly, it reconstructs biographical implications of the students’ migration to their ancestral homeland. Thirdly, the article analyses the impact of “roots migration” on the transformation of the students’ collective identity and sense of national belonging.
17
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OBRAZ WYDARZEŃ WĘGIERSKICH 1956 ROKU ORAZ POLONIJNEJ POMOCY DLA WĘGRÓW NA ŁAMACH PISMA „ZWIĄZKOWIEC”

41%
Jędras E.
Studia Migracyjne - Przegląd Polonijny
|
2017
|
vol. 43
|
issue 1 (163)
175-200
PL
Wydarzenia węgierskie 1956 roku (zwane też rewolucją węgierską 1956 roku) oraz związana z nimi emigracja przyciągnęły uwagę rządów i obywateli wielu państw. Jednym z takich krajów była Kanada. Dzięki ułatwieniom ze strony władz prawie 38 tysięcy uchodźców węgierskich podjęło decyzję o osiedleniu się w tym kraju. Zarówno bojownicy o wolność, uciekinierzy i imigranci mogli liczyć na pomoc społeczeństwa kanadyjskiego. Organizowano demonstracje solidarności i zbiórki, zapewniano pomoc nowoprzybyłym imigrantom. Losem Węgrów poruszone były również diaspory pochodzące z krajów pozostających w strefie wpływów Związku Radzieckiego, w tym grupa polska. Celem artykułu jest pokazanie, w jaki sposób na łamach „Związkowca”, ówcześnie najpopularniejszego polskojęzycznego pisma wydawanego w Kanadzie, odnoszono się do węgierskich wydarzeń 1956 roku i ich konsekwencji oraz o jakich przykładach polskiej i polonijnej pomocy dla Węgrów pisali autorzy artykułów. Publikowane teksty miały wydźwięk antykomunistyczny i antysowiecki. Autorzy ukazywali również solidarność grupy polskiej z Węgrami przejawiającą się między innymi poprzez zbieranie i przekazywanie pieniędzy na rzecz Węgrów oraz organizowanie manifestacji solidarności z narodem węgierskim w dużych kanadyjskich miastach.
EN
The Hungarian events of 1956 (also known as the Hungarian Revolution of 1956), and subsequent emigration caught the attention of governments and inhabitants of many countries. One of these countries was Canada. Thanks to the facilitation of procedures, which was introduced by Canadian authorities, about 38,000 Hungarian refugees decided to settle there. Freedom fighters, immigrants, and refugees could count on help coming from the Canadian society. Canadians demonstrated their solidarity with the Hungarians raised money, and provided help to newly arrived immigrants. Diasporas originating from countries under Soviet influence, like the Polish diaspora, were also moved by the Hungarian situation. The aim of this paper is to analyze how the Hungarian events and their consequences were presented in “Związkowiec”, at that time the most popular Polish-Canadian newspaper. In addition, this article presents several examples of Polish-Canadian help described by the authors of “Związkowiec”. Articles published in this newspaper had anti-communist and anti-Soviet undertone. Their authors also showed several examples of Polish-Canadian solidarity with Hungarians, which included, among others, fund-raising, and organizing demonstrations of solidarity in important Canadian cities.
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