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EN
In the 1980s and 1990s, Canada accepted more than 115,000 Polish immigrants. Some of them went through refugee camps in Western Europe, some arrived in Canada from the U.S., and there were also those who came directly from Poland. This great influx of Poles to Canada was caused by a confluence of factors. The most vital was obviously the economic and political situation in Poland, but Canada’s immigration policy also played a significant role, particularly the new regulations enacted in 1978. They gave temporary preferences for East-European Self-Exiled Persons – those who left the Communist bloc and could not or did not want to return to their home countries. It is worth emphasizing that the Self-Exiled class formally existed in Canada until as late as 1990. Moreover, the new Canadian regulations enabled admitting immigrants who were sponsored by Canadian residents. This allowed the Canadian Polish Congress (CPC), following the1981 agreement with the Minister of Employment and Immigration, to act as a guarantor to persons and institutions bringing in immigrants. With the cooperation of the CPC, ethnic organizations, and Roman Catholic Church institutions, a network of Polish information and aid centers was established in Canada. They were actively supporting the Canadian system of assistance for new immigrants, helping the newly arrived to adapt to life in a new country.
EN
The last large wave of Polish immigrants (estimated at around 115,000) came to Canada in the years 1981-1996, mainly due to Canadian preferential immigration laws and family reunification programs. As the democratization of post-communist countries was progressing, emigration to Canada became a far easier venture for Central and Eastern Europeans. Currently they are subject to the same immigration procedures as immigrants from other regions. Acting upon the immigration law introduced in 1967, Canada prefers well-educated immigrants with significant capital, persons in economically productive age (between 21 and 49), professionally qualified, and competent in either of Canada’s official languages. In 2008 Canada abolished visas for Polish tourists. A year later the Canadian government launched a typical work and travel program for Polish young people, enabling them to gain up to one-year of work experience in Canada. Despite all these efforts and due to the fact that EU labor markets opened wide for Poles, immigration from Poland to Canada fell below one thousand people per year. Also, Canadian authorities gradually introduce new restrictions aimed at issuing work permits only to those who have guaranteed jobs and are highly unlikely to be a burden on the Canadian health care system and social services. Therefore, Canada’s government has recently been very actively promoting Canada among the most preferred groups of immigrants, including Poles living and working in the British Isles.
EN
Sport may seem trivial, but it can reveal much about the absorption of immigrants into the ways of life of the United States in the late 19th- and early 20th-centuries. Usually, the first generations of immigrants were uninterested in sport “careers”. It was their American-born sons and grandsons, eager to blend into their native surroundings, who took up these amusements and made them their own; and the more they did so, the more they came to be, and to feel themselves “Americans” of European background rather than transplanted Europeans. Moreover, since success in athletics did not require the advantages of breeding, education, or status enjoyed by the Yankee elite, professional sport frequently offered the descendants of immigrants their first opportunities to succeed and receive acclaim from the wider society. The paper focuses on Stanley Ketchel, the best middleweight boxer and the first Polish-American sports champion. Yet in spite of his undeniable sporting renown, one accolade Ketchel seems never to have won was acceptance as a genuine “ethnic hero” of Polonia.
EN
This article analyses the factors that determine changes in the occupational position between the first and the current job in Spain among Polish immigrants residing in the Community of Madrid. The main objective is to establish if, and to what extent, working in gendered ethnic niches has an impact on occupational mobility in the host country. Combining quantitative and qualitative research methods, the data reveal stark differences in the occupational mobility of male and female populations. Compared to males, females experience higher inter-sectoral, and lower occupational mobility. Furthermore, the analysis shows that upward mobility depends on the opportunities offered by the structure of each sector, as well as on gendered productive and reproductive roles. Among men, the likelihood of upward mobility is not increased by entering or abandoning the ethnic niche. In contrast, women who left the niche between their first and current job in Spain have higher probabilities of upward occupational mobility. Because women with children often depend on the convenience of the flexible schedules in the domestic service sector, this niche is more often abandoned by women who have no children or who are highly motivated (with a higher level of education).
EN
The paper is a case study and addresses the issue of intersection of the immigrant and artistic worlds, exemplified by functioning of Polish and Ukrainian communities in East Village in New York. The Author tries to show how ethnic can intersect with the world of alternative artistic and intellectual culture and what the consequences of such a phenomenon for the transformation of the ethnic neighborhood and its status among the diaspora can be. The analysis is embedded in the historical and humanist perspective, accentuating the “longue durée” process, emphasizing the importance of the area and the social relations going on there for their users. Such an approach allows to form a final question on the possibility of conceptualizing this particular ethnic neighborhood in terms of cultural heritage of the immigrant group.
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