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EN
The authoress discusses the classic and contemporary issues connected with an elitist approach in sociology and the political sciences. A paradigmatic elitist thesis in its classic form is introduced. This has a bearing on issues and debates on the distribution of power, the dispute between 'elitists' and 'pluralists' which continues to be both important and relevant, as does the issue of 'the elites and democracy'. It is against such a theoretical outline and background that the empirical material is analysed, representing a self-portrait of the Polish political elites.
Studia Historyczne
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2007
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vol. 50
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issue 3-4
279-297
EN
Even though the ascendancy of Catherine Il's armies in the Polish-Russian war of 1792 is beyond question, Poland's potential in that conflict - as opposed to the military force actually mobilized for war - has been much underrated. For one thing, most of the enthusiasts of the new Constitution of 3 May 1791 soon proved to be its fair-weather friends, only too ready to listen to the propaganda circulated by the Targowica party and the Russians. The latter were particularly effective in persuading the Poles that nothing good would come to them from a military confrontation with the Russian empire. Out of fear of various punitive measures, confiscations of property, and deportations to Siberia, not to mention death in (what was believed to be unequal) battle increasing numbers of the Polish genry deserted the radical cause and gave their allegiance to the Targowica alliance. The proclamations of the Targowica confederates were not short on solemn threats of reprisals for supporters of the new Constitution either, yet words from that quarter were, on the whole, not treated with dead seriousness. People tended to be more scared by the practical issue of billeting and feeding the Russian army which was to be stationed in Poland. The question of who would bear the cost of the supplies (the Russians were not to pay for them) dominated practically all Polish discussions in 1792-1793, leaving no room for any other subject of debate. Meanwhile, the Targowica party stepped up pressure by threatening the unrepentant supporters of the 1791 Constitution with 'military executions'. Yet the fear of Confederate retaliation did not affect all parts of the country to the same extent. It was certainly greatest in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania where the local leaders of the Targowica alliance, the Kossakowskis, introduced a veritable role of terror.
3
70%
EN
The article focuses on representatives of the regional (and most recently established) level of government in the Czech Republic. It describes the context behind the emergence of regional governments and how they differ from the local and national political levels. It notes the close personnel connection between local and regional political elites. Experience gained in local politics helps elites to succeed at the regional level. The presence of local politicians in regional government varies with the level of residential fragmentation and the degree of urbanisation in the given region. Unlike local politics, which is consistently comprised of a significant proportion of independents, regional representatives are almost exclusively members of political parties and movements. This situation on the one hand serves to increase the politicisation of local politics and on the other leads to greater competition within political parties, whose programmes and national leadership regional politicians wish to influence.
EN
Sociologists studying the renewal of local government in post-communist Central European countries have formulated a hypothesis that local politics are becoming increasingly politicised. Political scientists focusing on local coalitions have provided a tool for examining this politicisation. This article is based on a secondary analysis of research to date on local political elites and compares their outcomes with the conclusions of the author's recent study of a panel of municipalities that was previously studied by Czech researchers in the early 1990s. The structure of local representation, the attitudes of municipal representatives, and the structure of local coalitions have not fulfilled the expected increased politicisation. The most important determinant is still the size of a municipality. Nevertheless, its influence can be modified by other factors, for example, institutional variables. Detailed observations on the origins of local coalitions and how they change indicate the scope and limits of this method for analysing the behaviour of local political elites.
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2023
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vol. 71
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issue 1
31–58
EN
The formation and activity of associations in Austria-Hungary was a result of the modernization and creation of civil society. The present study deals with political associations or clubs in Pressburg during the age of Dualism. The aim of the study is to find out how the structure of local politics was formed in terms of membership in the political club, and what strategies were used by the local political elites in Pressburg to gain greater social prestige. My goal is also to characterize the political behaviour of the representatives and to analyse the contemporary discourse in the local press. My aim is to find out how the activities of the Pressburg political elites were perceived in the German-language newspapers. Based on my findings, it can be said that support for the Liberal Party prevailed among the voters in Pressburg during Dualism, even after the constitutional crisis of 1905, when the party lost its government position in Hungary. The strategies by which the representatives of political associations strengthened their position were charity, personal ties, candidate lists, agitation, corruption, and criticism of rival candidates in the press. The newspapers pointed out incompetence, the absence of members of the municipal committee at general meetings, as well as the postponement of important decisions. This criticism of local political practice is evidence of gradual democratization, which could be followed by the first Czechoslovak Republic after 1918.
Mesto a dejiny
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2019
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vol. 8
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issue 1
80 – 109
EN
The extension of totalitarian and authoritarian regimes in the first half of the twentieth century, which hit most European states, required political interferences within the highest legislative and executive authorities of states as well as in local administrations and bodies of self-government. Legislative interventions resulted in the formation of new local political elites whose representatives, mostly recruited by the criterion of political reliability, held the defining positions and played the significant role in implementing anti-Jewish policy during the Holocaust era. The main aim of this contribution is the analysis of the mechanisms of legislative interventions into the creation of new local political elites in selected examples of Nazi-occupied countries (General Government, Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia) and allied regimes (Slovak State and Hungary).
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