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EN
The main problem of the paper is to what extent the political can become a subject of phenomenology as a transcendental philosophy. Its starting point is Ludwig Landgrebe's thesis that if phenomenology is to be a transcendental philosophy, it is - consistently thought out to an end - a transcendental theory of history. Referring to this thesis, the author poses the question: would the meaning of phenomenological transcendentalism not be consistently thought out to an end only if phenomenology proved its capacity as a transcendental theory of the political? In order to answer this critical question Landgrebe's thesis is interpreted from the perspective of Klaus Held's project of a 'phenomenology of the political world'. The author of this paper analyses the categorial relationship between both projects and poses two questions in this context: To what extent the problem of the political falls within the scope of phenomenology as a transcendental theory of history and how far the phenomenology of the political world can be understood as a transcendental theory of the political.
EN
Edward Abramowski (1868-1918) was a Polish socialist thinker whose ideas became timely again after the welfare state crisis in the West and the collapse of communism in the East Europe. His political theory was based on strong assumption that socialism is an economic and moral ideal which can be achieved only without the state interference. The latter as territorially organized legal coercion contradicts individual freedom, innovation, solidarity and social development. An expression of that perspective was a strategy of restraining state and bureaucracy by politics and by development of consumer cooperative movement. All spontaneous social activity was admired by Abramowski, but he emphasized economic potential of cooperatives which can lead to all-embracing anticapitalist social organization. He pointed out weaknesses of social democracy and communism especially their excessive faith in state organized economy and society which leads in practice to despotism and not to human emancipation. Abramowski's antistatism, his support for mobilization of civil society in economic activity and emphasis on ethical dimension of social change are responsible for the timeliness of his thought in contemporary discussions about social employment, social economy, social responsibility of business and cooperative movement's perspectives in Poland.
World Literature Studies
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2018
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vol. 10
|
issue 2
91 – 104
EN
The article focuses on the analogical argumentation used by Mary Wollstonecraft in her Vindication of the Rights of Woman (1792). Although Wollstonecraft clearly posits principles which may serve as points of departure for deductive reasoning, deduction does not suffice for her aims. Self-reflexive referencing to argument by analogy serves the purpose of restating the author’s neutrality, to which she strived to adhere. Analogies between women and flowers derive their argumentative power from natural history and convey the notion of the natural growth of a human being. Analogies between women and slaves need to be decoded by looking into their historical counterparts – i. e. emancipatory struggles of slaves in colonies. These analogies refer to the possibility of collective political action of women only implicitly, and at the same time they contradict the liberal understanding of analogy as means of argumentation providing a measured approach between traditionalism and utopianism.
EN
This article, by the nature of things, and given its subject matter and wording, has no ambition to contribute to the theory of democracy, but attempts to establish the features of the deliberative process on political grounds, of its constituent parts and of the circumstances that condition it. The springboard for these considerations is the etymological and linguistic meaning of the word 'deliberation', which then takes the author to a scientific, in the political sciences sense of the term, understanding, as well as to the establishment of the fundamental differences between deliberation and such concepts as discussion and debate. This reflection is carried out within the context of the primary conceptualisations of deliberative democracy and, in particular, of its key elements, such as an initial lack of accord, reasoning, consensus, the decision, its implementation and its legitimisation. The text also incorporates a short reference to criticism expressed against the notion of deliberative democracy. In conclusion, the author gives voice to a recommendation that normativists and empiricists engage in a more intensive dialogue in order to make good the shortfall in scholarly literature focussing on deliberative democracy, while studies on deliberation, particularly in its empirical aspect, should cease to home in primarily on deliberations between citizens and instead subject both the deliberative process among the political elite and citizen/political elite deliberations to much harsher scrutiny.
Filozofia (Philosophy)
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2016
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vol. 71
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issue 7
583 – 594
EN
The study offers an interpretation of the political theory of Hannah Arendt identifying it as a specific phenomenological and ontological discourse. It then focuses on the aporia hidden in Hannah Arendt’s concept of political action, i.e. the antinomy between the fleetingness of an action and the identities born from it on one side, and the proclaimed permanency of action and its outcomes on the other. This particular aporia is examined on the background of her description of the loss of the common human world as a consequence of the development of the modern science and technology, the growth of totalitarianism, and the concept of history as outlined in Arendt’s study of American Revolution.
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