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EN
Low trust to politicians, political and public institutions in Ukraine is a widely discussed problem. Basing on comparative data that came from Hungary, Poland and Russia, the authoress explores the reasons of cross-national similarities and differences in the level of trust. Results show that low trust to some institutions (like Parliament) and high trust to others (like Church and Army) is rather a common feature of post-communist countries that can be taken either as a proof of cultural as well as institutional theory of trust.
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2011
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vol. 59
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issue 4
639 – 652
EN
Political history has been frequently used by politicians in the political sphere since 1989. This is not only connected with the winning support for political parties, but also with coming to terms with history. The politicians express their views on political history without regard for their knowledge of particular events, and they appeal to historical facts to justify political demands. They regard it as a “soft way” of achieving specific political aims.
EN
This paper considers the relations between political power and scholarly activity during the period of the communist regime in Slovakia, then part of Czechoslovakia. Taking the example of a research project on the Ukrainian minority, undertaken by the Slovak Academy of Sciences during the years 1954–70, the paper traces the relationships between scholars and politicians and among academic institutions in the Czech lands and Slovakia, and the interventions by political power in academic work. The author focuses on the following questions: how did the project originate, and what were its aims and results? In what political, economic and social context did scholars undertake the project? How did the power relations between scholars and politicians develop and change in the course of the project? Why did political power intervene in research of the Ukrainian ethnic group? The paper draws upon M. Foucault’s views on the exercise of power, develops questions of the legitimacy of power (R. Barker), conceives scholarly work as an activity of a certain kind (P. Rabinow), and concentrates on the actors in power relationships, their strategies and motivations. Empirical data for the answer to research questions were acquired from archival documents about the project and from interviews with scholars who had participated in its work. The findings from analyses show what the specific possibilities and limits were for scholars functioning in the respective network of power relationships. They furthermore reveal a gamut of successful or unsuccessful strategies which scholars employed to bring about changes in the processes of the exercise of power.
EN
Executing the paragraph about accepting or rejecting the Council’s report. The National Broadcasting Council is the organ appointed to oversee the media’s area in Poland. This is the independent body. However, the Council bears responsibility before the Sejm, the Senate and the President. Every year the Council submits to the Sejm, the Senate and the President an annual report on its activities during the preceding year. Members of Parliament and senators vote for accepting or rejecting this document. If both the Sejm and the Senate reject the Council’s report and the President approves the rejection of this document, the term of office of the Council expires. The paper shows, how the paragraph about responsibility of the Council before the Sejm, the Senate and the President was executed during 17 years the existence of the body. This paper presents decisions of the Sejm and the Senate concerning accepting or rejecting Council’s reports in respective years, an analysis of parliamentary debates, reproofs contained in regulations about accepting or rejecting Council’s reports for a given period of time. The last part of the paper includes the analysis of the situation in 2010, when for the first time in the history of the Council both the parliament and the President decided that this organ would be dissolved. The responsibility of The National Broadcasting Council before the parliament and the President. Executing the paragraph about accepting or rejecting the Council’s report.
EN
This paper explores three possible motives for the establishment of the American Federal Reserve System. At the beginning, there is a short description of the National Banking Era. The author argues that while (i) the professional community quite truthfully recognized the problems with National Banking, motives of (ii) political leaders and (iii) interest groups for the establishment of the FED were stronger. The historical situation characterized by the deepening capital concentration and globalization brought politicians to enforce interventionist public policy followed by imperialism. These reasons significantly contributed to a tighter centralized political control of money supply by Federal Reserve System.
EN
The aim of the present article is to review research concerning morality and competence as two dimen¬sions of social perception. Starting from explanation why these dimensions play such a big role in process of person perception, I will try to explain differences in patterns of inferences about traits of morality and competence by referring to actor and observer perspectives. Next I will present research that demonstrates determinants and conseąuences of perceiving the world through the perspective of morality. The closing part of present work contains description of research, in which morality and competence were shown as dimensions of group perception.
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