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EN
The last presidential campaign has shown relatively high degree of electoral marketing. More then ever 'person-oriented' elections have given the political actors opportunity to use wide range of marketing techniques. Campaign 2000 was much more professional then the previous ones. It became obvious that the marketing in politics cannot be avoided. There is a chance that in a long-lasting and probably costly process (in terms of psychological costs) the new regulations will be worked out; the regulations and rules, which will force the politicians to raise their qualities to a standard level both in professional and moral dimension. Polish society in turn will learn how to react to any wrongdoings of the political elites. When these conditions are fulfilled, the political marketing will be more an instrument to increase interests of the society in politics and will reduce the smoke protection in order to fool the electorate.
Sociológia (Sociology)
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2013
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vol. 45
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issue 5
435 – 469
EN
This article presents an analysis of the Czech presidential elections from the spatial analysis perspective in 2013. The main method applied for classifying the electoral results were spatial autocorrelation and spatial regression which play an important role in spatial statistics and spatial econometrics. First, the regionalisation of the presidential vote is measured to identify the specific regional clusters of votes; the global test (a Moran’s I statistic), and also local indicators of spatial association (a LISA statistic) are used. Secondly, the spatial regression is used to identify the key underlying factors explaining the spatial variation of the electoral results. The analysis proves an independent effect in the case of Morava macro-region for the territorial differences in voting decisions in the presidential elections, in contrast to the Czech parliamentary elections. On the other hand, in the case of the second analysed macro-region (formerly German-inhabited Sudetenland) no such independent effect is evident. Finally, after controlling for the impact of the spatial regimes, the independent effect of non-spatial indicators is analysed. The findings suggest that other factors, with independent effects to the electoral results, was largely easily interpretable. Their effect was largely similar to the impact of these indicators, which previous studies reported in the parliamentary elections, reflecting not only support of the strongest Czech political parties, but also, to a certain extent, the current form of the Czech party system cleavage structures.
Sociológia (Sociology)
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2015
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vol. 47
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issue 4
340 – 364
EN
This study addresses the often debated importance of structure for explaining voting behaviour and cleavage formation in post-communist countries. Based on ecological analysis this study applies multivariate regression analysis (MRA) to test the possibilities and limits of structure in explaining the results of the 2012 parliamentary elections and 2014 presidential elections in Slovakia. The study reveals the high importance of general structure compared to findings in Western Europe, as all tested structural factors together explain from 46 to 77 per cent of electoral variation for the parliamentary election and from 25 to almost 99 per cent of the presidential candidates’ support. MRA confirms some findings from previous research, e.g. the significance of ethnicity and the rural-urban divide. However, our model does not confirm the strength of the religious factor for the Christian Democrats (KDH). Discussing the findings, the study suggests that to improve structure-based explanations in post-communist countries it is necessary to adjust the conceptualization of the structure to fit the region’s unique history.
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