Full-text resources of CEJSH and other databases are now available in the new Library of Science.
Visit https://bibliotekanauki.pl

Results found: 3

first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last

Search results

Search:
in the keywords:  Paul the Deacon
help Sort By:

help Limit search:
first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last
EN
The object of this article is the analysis of a typical specimen of Carolingian court poetry, namely Paul the Deacon's Carmen X, which was written at the very beginning of the so-called Carolingian Renaissance in 781. In my opinion, Paul's poem demonstrates once more how, on the one hand, the poetical technique and use of classical sources and, on the other hand, the crucial influence of the environment of Charlemagne's court that both makes Carolingian poetry an extremely innovative literary form, and strongly connects it with the later phenomenon of Humanism.
PL
A few remarks on two stories about the Lombards victory over Heruls (Paul the Deacon, Historia Langobardorum, 1:20, and Procopius of Caesarea, De Bellis, 6:14)The article presents an analysis of two narratives of the war between the Heruls and the Lombards fought in 508. Leaving aside any attempts to see “how it really was” with the course of the conflict, the author focuses on a narrative side of the story written by Procopius of Caesarea and Paul the Deacon. The accounts of both authors are subjected to one main idea: that the victory depended neither on the size and strength of the army, nor the courage of the troops, but was the result of God’s decision to support one of the sides. In the version presented by Procopius, God in the form of a black cloud took side with the Lombards, who with a sense of profound humility wanted to avoid military conflict to the end, and were forced to go to war. The defeat of the Heruls was their punishment for initiating the war without any just reason. In the version presented by Paul the Deacon the defeat of the Heruls was the punishment for the arrogance of their king and the contempt this soldiers felt for the Lombardian troops.
EN
Little is known about the ‘material’ equipment of the early missionaries who set out to evangelize pagans and apostates, since the authors of the sources focused mainly on the successes (or failures) of the missions. Information concerning the ‘infrastructure’ of missions is rather occasional and of fragmentary nature. The major part in the process of evangelization must have been played by the spoken word preached indirectly or through an interpreter, at least in the areas and milieus remote from the centers of ancient civilization. It could not have been otherwise when coming into contact with communities which did not know the art of reading, still less writing. A little more attention is devoted to the other two media, that is, the written word and the images. The significance of the written word was manifold, and – at least as the basic liturgical books are concerned (the missal, the evangeliary?) – the manuscripts were indispensable elements of missionaries’ equipment. In certain circumstances the books which the missionaries had at their disposal could acquire special – even magical – significance, the most comprehensible to the Christianized people (the examples given: the evangeliary of St. Winfried-Boniface in the face of death at the hands of a pagan Frisian, the episode with a manuscript in the story of Anskar’s mission written by Rimbert). The role of the plastic art representations (images) during the missions is much less frequently mentioned in the sources. After quoting a few relevant examples (Bede the Venerable, Ermoldus Nigellus, Paul the Deacon, Thietmar of Merseburg), the author also cites an interesting, although not entirely successful, attempt to use drama to instruct the Livonians in the faith while converting them to Christianity, which was reported by Henry of Latvia.
PL
Niewiele wiadomo o „materialnym” wyposażeniu misjonarzy wyruszających do pogan czy apostatów, autorzy źródeł bowiem koncentrują się na osiągnięciach (ewentualnie niepowodzeniach) misji. Informacje o „infrastrukturze” misji pojawiają się raczej sporadycznie i mają fragmentaryczny charakter. Największa rola w procesie ewangelizacji, przynajmniej na obszarach i w środowiskach oddalonych od ośrodków cywilizacji antycznej, musiała przypaść żywemu słowu, głoszonemu bezpośrednio lub za pośrednictwem tłumaczy. Nie mogło być inaczej w obliczu społeczności nieznających sztuki czytania, tym bardziej pisania. Nieco więcej uwagi mam zamiar poświęcić dwom pozostałym mediom: słowu pisanemu i obrazom. Znaczenie pisma w procesie ewangelizacji było różnorakie, było ono, przynajmniej w elementarnym zakresie (mszał, ewangeliarz?), niezbędnym elementem wyposażenia misjonarza. W pewnych okolicznościach księgi znajdujące się w dyspozycji misjonarza mogły nabierać znaczenia szczególnego, nawet magicznego, najbardziej zrozumiałego dla chrystianizowanych (przykłady: ewangeliarz św. Winfryda-Bonifacego w obliczu śmierci z ręki pogańskiego Fryza, epizod z księgą w opowieści o misji Anskara pióra Rimberta). O wiele rzadziej źródła wspominają o roli wyobrażeń plastycznych (obrazów) w trakcie misji. Po przedstawieniu kilku przykładów z tego zakresu (Będą Venerabilis, Ermoldus Nigellus, Paweł Diakon, Thietmar z Merseburga), autor przypomniał jeszcze interesującą, zanotowaną przez Henryka Łotysza, choć niezupełnie udaną próbę wykorzystania sztuki teatralnej dla pouczenia w wierze aktualnie chrystianizowanych Liwów.
first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last
JavaScript is turned off in your web browser. Turn it on to take full advantage of this site, then refresh the page.