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EN
When analyzing events which unfolded in the Ukraine during the final months of 2004 and the involvement of Polish politicians and public opinion in the struggle for the preservation of the democratic character of presidential elections, a question arises regarding the connection of their actions with the political projects of Jerzy Giedroyć, the founder and sole editor of an influential magazine and a centre of political thought, which was Culture, published in Maisons-Laffitte, near Paris, in the years 1947–2000. Historians and political scientists rightly emphasize the fact that the „Eastern doctrine”, also known as the ULB doctrine (from the abbreviation of „Ukraine, Lithuania, Belarus”), has been a constant element of Polish foreign policy since 1989. Generally speaking, Giedroyć was convinced that nationalist impulses would eventually destroy the Russian empire from within, and a sovereign Poland would gain three new neighbours in the East: Ukraine, Lithuania and Belarus. This process was expected to take place in the near future, as foreseen by Culture contributors who called on the émigrés from Eastern Europe to work together in laying solid foundations for the future partnership.
EN
The acquisition in 2015 of power in Poland by national-conservative party Law and Justice led to a change in priorities of Polish foreign policy. The Intermarium initiative understood as a closer cooperation of the eastern European Union states between the Baltic Sea, the Adriatic Sea and the Black Sea became a new instrument of Polish foreign policy. For historical reasons, the initiative of the Intermarium is associated with a similar concept, pushed through Poland in the 1920s, which was focused to create an alliance of Central European countries aimed at more effective protection against Russian expansion and German hegemony. In this context, the article aims to find the answer, how the Polish Intermarium initiative is a subject of public debate in Germany and how it affects foreign policy pursued by Germany.
EN
The purpose of this article is to analyse the policy of détente between the West and the East at the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE) from Poland’s perspective. The article begins with a synthetic theoretical and historical introduction concerning the formation of a new international order, particularly in Europe. The state of research on the CSCE in Poland is also outlined in a synthetic way. Then the analysis of Poland's role in the CSCE forum is presented in the context of the multifaceted negotiation processes in a chronological and problematic arrangement from the perspective of the theory of international roles. Endo-, and especially exogenous, connections concerning Poland’s functioning in the Eastern Bloc, including the hegemonic position of the USSR in it, were taken into account. Particular focus is placed on the implications of the CSCE Final Act for Poland. The article is based on Polish and English-language sources.
EN
The paper analyses the nation branding as an umbrella concept applied by the Polish cultural diplomacy for the promotion of a positive image of Poland in the world since 2008. The analysis takes the form of a case study of a Project Asia, a new, long-term project aiming to promote brand Polska through high and non-commercial culture in East and South Asia. Since 2010 the project has been executed by Adam Mickiewicz Institute in cooperation with Polish diplomatic missions, Polish Institutes and other Polish institutions engaged in promotion of the Polish culture abroad. Establishing the presence of Polish contemporary culture in East and South Asia has become a significant challenge because of circumstances and contexts much different from those in which IAM used to develop consistent cultural narratives about contemporary Poland. The paper analyses the main institutional and cultural determinants of the project development, the dynamics of its implementation and its adjustment to the cultural realities of Asian countries.
PL
In the article, the author presents the present state of the usage of politics of memory as a substantiation of Polish foreign policy and its perspectives for following three years. Beginning with the 70th anniversary of the outbreak of the World War II, he presents how the Polish remembrance has transformed from a “conservative” vision under President Lech Kaczyński to a “conciliatory” one that is promoted by Prime Minister Donald Tusk. As a result of the intellectual clash, he recognizes the dominance of Tusk’s vision, which he describes, referring to outlooks of the prime minister and Paweł Machcewicz, a prominent Polish historian and close associate of Tusk. Then, he enumerates fifteen significant anniversaries, which may be used to present the Polish understanding of the past and to support foreign policy actions in the following years. The author also states his observations, suggestions, and remarks about the possible course of celebrations.Full text: http://bazhum.muzhp.pl/czasopismo/589/?idno=14761
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