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1

Jeńcy strony krzyżackiej po bitwie pod Koronowem

100%
Jóźwiak S.
Zapiski Historyczne
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2010
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vol. 75
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issue 2
87-102
EN
If examining the course of the battle of Koronowo of 10 October 1410 comes up against serious restrictions due to scarce sources, then secondary aspects of the battle (such as the question of Teutonic enemy prisoners) are better known. The Teutonic army consisted predominantly of foreign regulars (from Germany and Silesia) and knights, courtiers and household members from the circle of Sigismund of Luxembourg. At least 300 enemy prisoners were captured, 68 of whom are known by their names. As the sources unanimously say, Władysław Jagiełło treated them courteously. He tried to convince them that Poland had acted right. Their names were recorded and they were allowed to go after a few days on the condition that they appeared with ransom in the appropriate place and time. All those measures probably were used in relation to foreign regulars and knights-courtiers of Sigismund of Luxembourg, as Teutonic brothers and Teutonic subordinates participating in the battle were not let go (seemingly, the latter group was not under the authority of the King, but the Polish knights who had captured them). The sources do not give clear data concerning the manner, time and conditions of releasing enemy prisoners from the battle of Koronowo. Beside the requirement to pay ransom, in some cases there were attempts to exchange Teutonic enemy prisoners for Polish knights captured by the Teutonic army (particularly in September 1410). The outcome is not known. The status of some prisoners caused problems to the Teutonic authorities too, as they had to give money for compensations, journeys to the place to leave ransom, and perhaps for ransom for regulars (but without paying them during their time of imprisonment). Knight-courtiers of Sigismund of Luxembourg were treated differently (as visitorsvolunteers), as the Teutonic authorities did not want to give them money for ransom. It led to prolonged conflicts and – according to the Teutonic authorities – to unfounded claims on their part. It seems that the major part of enemy prisoners from the battle of Koronowo (however not all of them) were given back their freedom within a few months after concluding the First Peace of Thorn (after 1 February 1411).
2

Pierwsze wrażenia w Prusach po porażce zakonu niemieckiego w bitwie grunwaldzkiej

100%
Kwiatkowski K.
Zapiski Historyczne
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2010
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vol. 75
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issue 2
44-66
EN
In the article the author makes an attempt to analyze a small fragment of the 1409–1411 war connected not so much with military activities as with mental conditions of the perception of reality by people of those times. Asking the question about impressions (in a general sense) and feelings connected with the outcome of the battle of Grunwald among people of Prussia constitutes a part of cultural studies over the phenomenon of ‘war’ in particular and ‘conflict’ in general. It concerns important questions of the psychological influence which military activities and their outcomes exert on the human being. As far as reactions to the outcome of the battle appearing in the evening after the battle are concerned, indirect accounts show that the predominant feeling was the impression concerning the magnitude of the battle in the Teutonic Order, and a high number of the killed. This intense impression determined the appearance of oral narrations about the final stage of the battle. The next day after the battle, 16 July, apart from the sensory reception of the bodies of the killed soldiers and horses, the Prussians experienced various actions undertaken by Władysław II which had a symbolic and ritual character. They were as follows: liturgical acts during at least two votive solemn masses, presenting to the King military signs captured the previous day, the order of the King to find the bodies of Teutonic brothers and to send them to the nearest convent in a royal funeral procession, a magnificent ceremonial feast, and a three-day stay of the King on the battlefield. Inhabitants of Prussia witnessed the ostentation and manifestation of the belief that the Polish King had received the support from the supernatural during the battle of Grunwald, They also saw the manifestation of the total and glorious victory of the Polish monarch over the opponent, which was executed in all dimensions. Symbolically, they received a message of God’s sentence, which was the way people understood battles in those times. Among prisoners from the Teutonic army all those rituals must have caused a feeling of fear. The analysis of the source material shows that the mental influence of those events on prisoners on the battlefield from 15 to 17 July was not so strong despite its ostentatious character. Impressions from the battlefield did not make inhabitants of Prussia support the Polish King. The significant factor which affected the change of attitude among inhabitants of Prussia was the factual, not symbolic, presence of the royal army in the nearest geographical neighborhood, which was visible particularly in case of big Prussian towns. Reactions of members of the Prussian branch of the Teutonic Order were diversified. The behavior of some dignitaries who had survived the battle was marked by panic and confusion. Corporation bonds, the basic element constituting the Teutonic Order, were undermined. In such suddenly changed circumstances the organization of activities was based on a different type of relations such as family connections, ties of blood.
3

Świadkowie przywileju wielkiego mistrza Ulryka von Jungingen z 28 X 1409 roku. Z badań nad prokrzyżacką orientacją wśród szlachty dobrzyńskiej w okresie wojny 1409–1411

86%
Szybkowski S.
Zapiski Historyczne
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2010
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vol. 75
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issue 2
23-46
EN
The document of the Grand Master Ulrich von Jungingen concerning conferring Culm law on Dobrzyń Land on 28 October 1409 has already been discussed in the literature of the subject (Marian Biskup, Karol Górski). Nevertheless, the study by K. Górski was published forty years ago, and numerous studies have appeared which deal with both the Polish-Teutonic relations and the history of Dobrzyń Land. Using the sources allows us to place this increasingly interesting document in a completely new overall context. In this article we shall deal with the problem of identifying the witnesses of the privilege and we shall make an attempt to establish motives which made them support the authority of the Order in occupied Dobrzyń Land at the beginning of the war 1409–1411. This question also appears in literature (Janusz Bieniak, Beata Możejko), however accounts are scattered, which justifies the need to prepare a study of the problem in one place. The following people were involved as witnesses of the source we are interested in: Janusz and Jakub from Radzików (sons of Mikołaj from Kutno and grandsons of the Dobrzyń castellan Andrzej; Janusz – the progenitor of the magnate’s family of Kościelecki), Adam Świnka from Strzygi, Jan Świnka from Chojnowo, Adam Świnka from Sarnowo (grandsons of the Rypin castellan Piotr Świnka), Piotr from Starorypin (a descendant of the Dobrzyń pantler Eberhard and the Dobrzyń cup-bearer Mikołaj, probably a brother of the would be Dobrzyń standard-bearer Jan Rasz) and Namięta from Łapinóż (not coming from a clerical family). Six out of seven witnesses of Ulrich von Jungingen’s privilege for Dobrzyń Land of 28 October 1409 came from families belonging to the clerical noble strata. The Radzikowskis and the Świnkas belonged to outstandingly significant families (the position of the Starorypińskis was slightly lower). Only Namieta from Łapinóż came from a nonclerical noble family. The Świnkas and the Radzikowskis held the highest official positions in the Dobrzyń hierarchy during the rule of vassal princes of the Crown, and during the Teutonic lien from 1392–1405, cooperating with subsequent landlords of Dobrzyń Land, including the Teutonic Order. For this reason after Władysław Jagiełło took over the land, they were removed from their offices to which they had been appointed by Teutonic grand masters. The same happened to the Starorypińskis family. The Radzikowskis, the Świnkas and the Starorypińskis were connected with one another in family terms. They also had family connections and land in the Teutonic State. Representatives of the Radzikowskis family and the Starorypińskis family were institutionally connected with grand masters, holding from the end of the 14th century functions of diners of Konrad and later of Ulrich von Jungingen. All those factors made them support the authority of the Teutonic Order in conquered Dobrzyń Land in the autumn of 1409. Nevertheless, soon after the most outstanding witness of the Grand Master Ulrich von Jungingen’s privilege – Janusz from Radzików, Skępe and Kościelec – went over to Jagiełło’s side. He was probably influenced by the following factors: his relatives who were against his involvement in the Teutonic Order, financial corruption and hopes for further promotion prospects in the Kingdom of Poland, which were quite realistic. As far as the remaining witnesses are concerned, it is known that Jakub from Radzików supported the Teutonic Order until the end of the war (which resulted in a serious delay in his clerical career). No doubt the same situation took place in the Świnkas family (plausibly Jan from Chojnów). Their careers after the war varied. Adam Świnka from Strzygi and Zielona soon got on the right side of Władysław Jagiełło, who appointed him Dobrzyń castellan (his brother Jakub also made a clerical career), Jan from Chojnowo and Adam from Sarnowo fell victim to repression. It is not known what attitudes were adopted by Piotr from Starorypin and Namięta from Łapinóż in the later period of the war. However we know that the probable brother of Piotr – Jan Rasz – fought on the Teutonic side until the end of the military conflict of 1409–1411. None of the representatives of the Starorypińskis and heirs of Łapinóż held any offices until the end of the rule of Władysław Jagiełło.
4

Uwagi o dokumentach rozejmowych i pokojowych z okresu wojny 1409–1411

72%
Szweda A.
Zapiski Historyczne
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2010
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vol. 75
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issue 2
66-85
EN
The article is devoted to documents of armistice concluded during the war of Poland and Lithuania with the Teutonic Order in the years 1409–1411, and also to documents of the Peace Treaty of Thorn. The first of the armistice treaties, written on 8 October 1409, was exceptional, as it was made through the agency of the Roman and Czech king Wenceslaus IV. This was the reason why the Teutonic and Polish documents were written in German. Seals were also not typical of armistice: the Grand Master Ulrich von Jungingen affixed the great seal of the Teutonic Order whereas Władysław Jagiełło put his bigger seal with the coat of arms. There also appeared seals of guarantors from both sides. The armistice was made until 24 June, whereas on 26 June 1410 Jagiełło issued a document prolonging the armistice until 4 July. It was an act written in a simplified form, without guarantors, with a smaller seal of the monarch. The Teutonic equivalent did not survive. Diplomas from the armistice of 9 December 1410 survived. The Polish document causes interpretation problems as it includes mistakes in the list of guarantors, and the number and order of the seals affixed. The preliminary documents of the First Treaty of Thorn were recorded and enumerated on 1 February 1411. They were made in the name of the monarchs, affixed with smaller sigils and seals of negotiators. The main peace documents were sealed and enumerated on 10 May 1411 near Złotoria. The Teutonic document bore 41 seals; the emblem of the Master Henrich von Plauen did not survive. The Polish-Lithuanian document is known exclusively thanks to descriptions in notary devices. It bore 38 seals, including the sigil of Władysław Jagiełło and the Great Prince Vytautas. Probably the act, like many others, was passed on to the King Sigismund I the Old by the Duke Albert of Hohenzollern in 1526. Soon after it disappeared and it was not recorded in the inventories of the Crown Archive preserved from the mid-16th century.
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