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EN
In this text author describe structure and membership of PUWP in Cracow in period of stalinism. Communist Party installed in this region in spring 1945 (primary to 1948 so called Polish Workers Party – PWP). Author moved important composition the party: age, education, number, party probation members and candidats. Party is a specific organizations. She dominated in many aspects of public life. Her influency is very strong. This study show how PUWP acting in Cracow.
EN
The main idea of the article was to show how the 1952 election, were discussed among the members of the Provincial Committee of the Polish United Workers' Party in Gdansk. It was the second voting after the war, but it took place in a completely different reality. In Poland, already in force the new constitution, the society was pacified, and the authorities had no real enemies, but in spite of all in the preparations were included the whole state apparatus. Control over the conduct of the voting was necessary, because the authorities were afraid of a boycott of the election, which was the only form of show opposition to the situation in the People's Republic of Poland. In the post-election analysis, it was emphasized that not everything went as it should, but the Communists and so won. In that Poland, couldn’t have been a different result.
EN
The article describes the selected issues relating to the functioning of the PUWP. The author focuses on the issue of the number of members, the social composition, and nomenklatura. The analysis enables to establish that the PUWP was the massive, highly centralized party. Although the PUWP appealed to workers and peasants, they represented a minority in the party. It was a shy and fixed problem of party of power. This allows to show that PUWP party was entangling Poland with network of connections and analyse the founds of the party.
EN
The article describes variuos form of the Polish United Workers' Party organisation. It focuses particularly on elementary units, situated in offices, workplaces, institutions, universities and schools. The party's strucuture in the country is discussed individually. Author also indicates the primary rules of the organization of internal units: their number, principles of hierachy and model of subordination.
EN
The minutes of the meetings of the PPR Club (Polish Workers' Party Club) of The MBP (The Ministry of Public Security) are an extremely valuable source of information about the way the party worked and the lives of the main members, who had created the whole structure of the GUC (Main Office of Censorship) that was the unit of the MBP between 1945 and 1947. A great attention was focused on the culture and education commission, which was supposed to be a an important unit of the MBP workers' indoctrination. The way the commission worked was considered insufficient because the administration often changed their directives, that leaded to loss of discipline of the rank and file members of the party's units. The existing documentation shows that the given commands were not often rethought. Even the members of the unit have no idea what the meeting was going to be about. There was no information about what was on the agenda. It was the reason why the members were unwilling to come to the meetings. According to the opinion of the employees and the party members, the meetings were considered boring, and the speakers were thought to be badly prepared to present their papers, and often did not have the slightest notion what was discussed. The analysis of the minutes shows the picture of a totalitarian country, units of which try to control all the possible areas of Poles' lives, trying to accomplish the process of sovietization of Poland.
EN
The filing system of the Voivodeship-level party organisation of the Polish United Workers' Party in the years 1975-1990 covered the operations of the filing system of the Voivodeship Committee, the provincial centres of party work (from 1982), the committees of Cities, City-Communes, and Communes, and also staff committees and the central and branch party organisations. Depending on the volume and degree of industrialisation of a region, the organisation could show even as many as a thousand staff, who participated in recording the activities of the Communist party bureaucracy. In fact, every recorded piece of information which was created as a result of the party structures' functioning constituted a party document. The party documents consisted of internal and external records, which accumulated as a result of cases being conducted (the system of mcase files), and these comprised the whole of the documentation held moriginally in particular organisational units, whole organisations, and party organisational cells. Despite the existing rule of the reproducing of mthe work of superior party structures by the inferior units, the filing work of PUWP structures resulted in highly diverse documentation. In this marticle, the Author is going to attempt to answer three fundamental questions capturing the essence of "a party document", i.e. what were the main types of documentation produced by the Communist Party, what rules governed the formulation of the records in the party structures, and what rules governed the measures of authentication?
EN
Personnel policy was one of the main forms and methods of exercising authority by the communist party during the times of the Polish People’s Republic. The article discusses the rights and duties of the workers of the Polish United Workers' Party as a consequence of the new regulations concerning the mentioned matter, which appeared after the crisis of the communist party in the years 1980–1981. There has been made an observation that any job position in the communist party involved numerous privileges concerning wages and living conditions and above all, the real authority of the state was not exercised by the officers of state but by the workers of the Polish United Workers' Party.
PL
Prezentowany dokument stanowi jedno ze świadectw opisujących przełomowe miesiące 1956 r. Stefan Jędrychowski – co ważne - skoncentrował się na sprawach gospodarczych. Jako były przewodniczący PKPG doskonale znał rzeczywistą sytuację gospodarczą w jakiej znalazł się kraj w połowie lat pięćdziesiątych. Patrząc z perspektywy czasu mówił wprost, że źródłami niepokojów, napięć i buntu społecznego w tamtych latach była bieda ludzi pracy. W dokumencie odnajduje czytelnik zarys mechanizmów rządzących polską polityką gospodarczą. Niejako na marginesie poruszona została kwestia frakcji partyjnych i personalnych tarć w PZPR. Co ciekawe Jędrychowski stwierdza, że o istnieniu nazw obu grup („tendencji”) dowiedział się dopiero z zachodnich mediów w 1957 r. Stefan Jędrychowski jako członek najwyższych władz państwowych (przed i po Październiku '56) zaprezentował katalog sukcesów Gomułki. Sukcesów, które udało się osiągnąć jeszcze u progu 1957 r. Nie ulega wątpliwości, że prawne uregulowanie relacji z ZSRR wzmacniało pozycję „Wiesława”. Niestety w przytaczanej relacji nie ma informacji o tajnikach niechlubnych decyzji jakie podejmował Gomułka w późniejszym okresie swoich rządów. Dokument pozwala także na odtworzenie (mocno fragmentarycznie) stanu świadomości politycznej w latach późniejszych (1983 r.) byłego partyjno – politycznego prominenta. Czytając dokument warto pamiętać, że Jędrychowski był jednym ze współtwórców polskiego stalinizmu i przez długie lata afirmował przyjmowane wówczas (a bardzo niekorzystne dla Polski) rozwiąznia polityczno – gospodarcze.
EN
The presented document constitutes one of the testimonies describing the critical months of 1956. However, what is important is that Stefan Jędrychowski focused mainly on economic issues. As a former head of the State Planning Committee, he knew the actual economic situation of the state in 1950s. Looking from the time perspective, he stated outright that the source of unrest, tension, and defiance at that time was the poor economic conditions of the working people. In the document the reader can find the outline of the mechanisms governing Polish economic politics. As marginal issues he also mentions party factions and personal conflicts in the Polish United Workers' Party. Interestingly, Jędrychowski states that he learned about the existence of the names of the two groups ("tendencies") from the Western media as late as in 1957. Stefan Jędrychowski as a member of the highest state authorities (prior to and after October '56), presented the catalogue of Władysław Gomułka's successes achieved at the beginning of 1957. There is no doubt that the legal regulation of relations with the USSR strengthened "Wiesław's" position. Unfortunately, in this account there is no information concerning the secrets of the infamous decisions Gomułka took in the latter period of his governance. The document also enables the (only partial) recreation by the state of political awareness in the following years (1983) of the former party-political personage. When going through the document, it is worth bearing in mind that Jędrychowski was one of the co-founders of Stalinism in Poland, and for many years he affirmed many political and economic solutions which were adopted at the time, although they were very detrimental to Poland.
PL
Podobieństwo realiów rządzonego przez Partię totalitarnego państwa Oceania z Roku 1984 do rządów komunistycznych w Europie i poza nią skłania do porównań pomiędzy nimi. Pozwalają one, tak jak w przypadku mojego artykułu, na uzyskanie dodatkowej wiedzy nie tyle o owej książce, co o wspomnianym systemie. W tym artykule skoncentrowałem się na problematyce archiwów i po części przeszłości i historii, ilustrowanej informacjami z książki G. Orwella i z archiwaliów Polskiej Zjednoczonej Partii Robotniczej. W Oceanii przeszłość była kategorią zmienną wskutek zdobycia pełnej kontroli nad wszystkimi elementami łączącymi ją z teraźniejszością (gazetami, książkami, dokumentami etc.), wiodącej do utrwalenia władzy Partii. Znajdujące się w archiwach dokumenty poddawano stałemu podmienianiu pod kątem ich zgodności z tym, co akurat twierdziła Partia. W tej sytuacji dostęp do spreparowanych opracowań i źródeł musiał być wolny. Nie było za to miejsca na obiektywną historiografię, choć wydawano książki mające uchodzić za „historyczne”. Z kolei rządząca w Polsce PZPR w dokonaniach własnych i swych ideowych poprzedniczek widziała element ważny dla jej ideologii oraz czynnik legitymizujący jej władzę. Zauważała korzyści płynące z inicjowania badań historycznych (nie koniecznie w pełni obiektywnych) oraz chronienia w swoich archiwach autentycznych dokumentów, służących prowadzeniu tychże badań i działalności propagandowej. Ale zasób jej archiwów nie był dostępny wszystkim. Reglamentacją objęte były dokumenty ilustrujące np. „nie postępowe” zjawiska. Z porównania podejścia do powyższych zagadnień odpowiednio oceańskiej Partii i PZPR wynika, że były to właściwie całkiem różne wizje i style postępowania. Wypływa stąd wniosek, że PZPR w niewielkim stopniu, jeśli chodzi o problematykę archiwalną, przypominała analogiczne wątki opisane przez G. Orwella.
EN
Similarities between totalitarian state Oceania ruled by the Party in Nineteen Eighty-Four to communist rule in Europe and outside of it provoke comparisons. They enable to obtain additional knowledge not only about the book, but also about the system; so it is in the case of my article. In this article I concentrated on the issue of archives and, partly, past and history, illustrated by information from the G. Orwell’s book and archival materials of the Polish United Workers' Party. In Oceania the past was a changing category as a result of full control of all elements linking it to the present (press, books, documents etc.), which led to strengthening the Party’s rule. Documents stored in archives were constantly swapped, so they conform what the Party was claiming at the time. In that situation access to the fabricated studies and sources must have been free. But objective historiography could not exist, even if “historical” books were published. In turn, for the PUWP that ruled in Poland, accomplishments of the party and its predecessors were important for the ideology and legitimizing its authority. The party discerned the benefits of initiating historical research (not necessarily fully objective) and preserving authentic documents in its archives, which could be used in the research and propaganda. But the holdings of the party’s archives were not accessible for everyone. For example, documents depicting “not progressive” phenomena were rationed. Comparing approach to this issue of the Oceanian Party and of the PUWP shows, that they actually had completely different visions and ways of acting. It leads to a conclusion, that the PUWP hardly resembled similar strands described by G. Orwell, looking on the archival issues.
EN
The Communist Party has played a pivotal role in Polish politics after World War II. Her branches were set up in every workplace, including the security apparatus. This text describes eleven silhouettes of people in charge of party structures in Voivodship Department of Public Security i Gdansk (in the period 1955–1956 as Voivodship Department for Public Security). They had different education, different biographies, but they had the most important feature – the confidence of the Party authorities. The first party secretaries were shown as a group. The author described the most important features of their biographies and juxtaposed them together. The article also explains the details of the selection of each of them, the most important events of every term and the circumstances of their dismissal from a position.
Studia Mazowieckie
|
2021
|
vol. 16
|
issue 1
83-152
EN
The article is a source publication devoted to the still insuffi ciently recognized effects of the events of October 1956 in the Mazovia Province. After the introduction, in which the content of the published source materials and the rules of their publication are briefly discussed, the following five documents are edited, produced by the County Committee of the Polish United Workers’ Party in Pułtusk in the period between October 1956 and January 1957. Records of intra-party discussions are an excellent historical source of learning about the views of the provincial activists on the functioning of the Polish United Workers’ Party and state administration, their opinions about the “mistakes and distortions” committed during the Stalinist period, and about the paths of development in the future. They also provide a lot of interesting information about the economic condition of the poviat.
PL
Artykuł jest publikacją źródłową poświęconą – wciąż niedostatecznie rozpoznanym – skutkom wydarzeń października 1956 r. na mazowieckiej prowincji. Po części wstępnej, w której w skrócie omówiono treść publikowanych materiałów źródłowych oraz zasady ich wydania, następuje edycja pięciu dokumentów wytworzonych przez Komitet Powiatowy Polskiej Zjednoczonej Partii Robotniczej w Pułtusku w okresie październik 1956 r. – styczeń 1957 r. Zapisy wewnątrzpartyjnych dyskusji są doskonałym źródłem historycznym do poznania poglądów prowincjonalnego aktywu na funkcjonowanie PZPR i administracji państwowej, ich opinii o popełnionych „błędach i wypaczeniach” w okresie stalinizmu, jak i o drogach rozwoju w przyszłości. Dostarczają też wielu ciekawych informacji na temat stanu gospodarczego powiatu.
EN
Artykuł prezentuje przegląd opinii, które zawierają listy przesłane władzom PRL podczas tzw. konsultacji społecznych projektu nowej ordynacji wyborczej do Sejmu w 1985 r. Większość nadawców pisała krytycznie nie tylko o samym projekcie, ale także o systemie wyborczym PRL w ogóle. Zestawiając te opinie ze znanymi z innych publikacji listami z okresu budowy w Polsce systemu komunistycznego, autor stawia tezę, iż przez kolejne dziesięciolecia trwania rządów PPR/PZPR Polacy nawet jeśli brali udział w powszechnych głosowaniach, zdawali sobie sprawę z ich fasadowego charakteru. The article presents a survey of opinions expressed in the letters sent to the authorities of the Polish People’s Republic during the so-called social consultations of the draft of a new electoral law to the Sejm in 1985. A majority of people wrote critically not only about the project itself but also about the whole electoral system of the Polish People’s Republic. After a comparison of these opinions with other letters known from the period of building of a communist system in Poland, the author puts forward a thesis that in the successive decades of the rule of the Polish Workers’ Party/Polish United Workers’ Party, even if they had voted in universal elections, the Polish people were aware of their window-dressing nature.
EN
The paper discusses the social and political situation in the Katowice Voivodeship in December 1970 after the announcement of the increase in food prices, prevention and order activities undertaken by the Citizens’ Militia (MO) and the security apparatus during the crisis and the reaction of the Polish United Workers’ Party (PZPR) to the growing agitation of society. Despite mounting tension, reinforced by the news of workers’ revolt in the cities of the Coast, the police forces effectively paralysed weak attempts to stir up strikes and demonstrations in the Katowice Voivodeship. Political changes in the PZPR leadership prevented the crisis from escalating. The attitudes of the region’s inhabitants were also influenced by: the strong position of the PZPR, the preventive arrest of nearly a thousand potential leaders of protests and riots, relatively good living conditions in the Katowice Voivodeship, and the divergent interests of various groups of the province’s population.
PL
W artykule omówiono sytuację społeczno-polityczną w województwie katowickim w grudniu 1970 r., po ogłoszeniu podwyżki cen artykułów spożywczych, działania prewencyjne i porządkowe podejmowane przez MO i aparat bezpieczeństwa w dniach kryzysu oraz reakcję PZPR na wzrastające wzburzenie społeczeństwa. Mimo narastającego napięcia, wzmacnianego przez wieści o robotniczej rewolcie w miastach Wybrzeża, siły policyjne skutecznie paraliżowały słabe próby wzniecenia strajków i manifestacji w województwie katowickim. Polityczne zmiany w kierownictwie PZPR zapobiegły eskalacji kryzysu. Na postawy mieszkańców regionu wpłynęły ponadto: silna pozycja PZPR, prewencyjne aresztowanie blisko tysiąca potencjalnych liderów protestów i zamieszek, relatywnie nie najgorsze warunki życia w województwie katowickim, rozbieżne interesy różnych grup ludności województwa.
EN
The life of Wladyslaw Zdunek was full of radical changes. He fought with the communists in the Polish-Soviet War in 1920. A few years later he became a union activist in the Communist Party. During the whole period until the outbreak of second world war in various ways to support institutions that sympathized with the Communists. He was stopped many times by the Polish police, also he sat for it in prison. Although became an important person in the communist party in the Lublin province it is his character traits didn't let him the political career. He was quickly sidelined track. It caused more reasons for dissatisfaction. For the communist police became the enemy, which under surveillance and observed. His life is an example of that in the communist period did not really mattered education, but acquaintances in the elite party nomenclature. Although his life you can find many examples of typical careerism, however, character traits and attitudes instability did not allow him on achieving any successes
PL
Celem artykułu jest zaprezentowanie formułowanego przez władze partyjne Polskiej Rzeczypospolitej Ludowej dyskursu politycznego w okresie Sporu o Tysiąclecie Państwa Polskiego na łamach ważnego ówcześnie tytułu prasowego jakim było „Zwierciadło”. Pytania badawcze sformułowane w tekście odnosiły się do następujących kwestiach (1) Jakie specyficzne cechy posiadał profil prasowy periodyku? (2) Jakie specyficzne idiolekty językowe i słowa sztandarowe występowały w przekazie prasowym w trakcie uroczystości Tysiąclecia? (3) Jakie formy gatunkowe dominowały w formułowanym przekazie prasowym?
EN
The purpose of the article is to present the political discourse formulated by the party authorities of the Polish People's Republic during the Dispute over the Millennium of the Polish State in the then-important press title which was "The Mirror". Research questions formulated in the text referred to the following issues (1) What specific features did the press's magazine have? (2) What specific language idiolects and banner words were present in the press during the Millennium Celebration? (3) What genres dominated the formulated press release?
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