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EN
The first part of the article offers a review of the most important historical views on German plans for Poland during the First World War. The author attempts to show that they were not as consistent, clear and painstakingly implemented as earlier historical writing supposed, but rather inconsistent, chaotic and carried out by various competing centres of political and military power. The author than describes several centres of power in Imperial Germany and displays their rivalry over the Polish cause. There were several reasons behind the observed chaos, among them the political structure and the system of power in the German Reich. The system was unable to create a main decision-making centre during the war. Furthermore, with a limited knowledge of Polish matters, Germans were not certain, which option would be best for post-war Germany. It is the author’s opinion that research on the issue should definitely be continued.
EN
The author discusses the medieval practice in the State of the Teutonic Order of placing sacral objects, especially parish and monastic churches, cathedrals and hospital chapels, under patronage of selected saints. Though there was nothing exceptional about it in the Christian Europe, the choice of saints, dependent on their particular traits and popularity, is interesting. Among the most popular ones were, of course, the Holy Virgin Mary, venerated especially by the Cistersians and Dominicans, St George, St John the Evangelist and St Nicholas – the latter being the patron of merchants and sailors. It may be safely said that local cults correlated to a large degree with the presence or absence of particular religious orders in the area, with their preferences as to the patronage of certain saints over others. One of the most widely known saints in Europe was undoubtedly St James, especially along the popular pilgrimage route from Prussia to Santiago de Compostella. St Adalbert of Prague also deserves special mention, especially for his mission and martyrdom in Prussia.
EN
To have a roof over one’s head was an unattainable dream for many people in Prussia after 1871 in the era of industrialisation and urbanisation. The groups for whom that problem was the most acute were: peasants, agricultural labourers, labourers paid per day, factory workers, craftsmen, poorer white collar workers and low-ranking officials. The dwelling forms were strongly influenced by a growing phenomenon of pauperisation of lower urban classes, industrialisation, an enormous inflow of people into towns, inappropriate nutrition and an inadequate satisfaction of other basic needs. Yet, it was in the 19th century when the bourgeois cultural image of a friendly home was constructed, which has become a space of rest against the threats of the outside world and a basis for the present-day mass concept. But, at that time only members a tiny part of the society managed to get this friendly retreat; for the overwhelming majority their homes were just sleeping places.
EN
The central category in the life of the Prussian bourgeoisie was work and this opinion is accepted by the admirers of the notion of the Prussian mentality. In the case of the Prussian state, work ethic was implemented primarily by the educated middle class, as the economic middle class was poor and did not have its own clear habitus. The Junkers were related to militarism, as the most important feature of the Prussian nobility, but also to social training, and great organizational successes. Moreover, the social, economic, cultural and ideological superstructure contributed to the creation of the mythology of the Prussian state and dynasty. The most important value for officers was honour which was adapted from the nobility. The traditional, military instrument of its defence was duels. Prussian virtues included also: progressiveness, modernity (understood as overcoming the state order), selflessness (unconditional dedication to the state), aggressiveness, tolerance, the rule of law and equality before the law, obedience, discipline, awareness of one’s duty, dignity, defence of one’s independence, personal restraint, frugality, respect for public property, incorruptibility, honesty, respect for education, courage and bravery. Moreover, the image of Poland and Poles in Prussia played a crucial role in the mental orientation of Prussians. A negative image of Poles, the metaphor of “polnische Wirtschaft”, co-created the modern German national identity in Prussia as their opposite.
6
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EN
The article offers a detailed analysis of an official document of 1809 by Wilhelm von Humboldt titled “On the Project of a New Constitution for Jews”, which had a major impact on the process of granting them equal rights in Prussia. This slim document contributed in a direct way to the adoption in 1812 of the most progressive emancipation edict that equaled the rights and obligations of Jews to those of other citizens. Being a momentous manifestation of classic German liberalism it voiced the staunch opposition of a Prussian statesman and philosopher of the law against enlightened absolutism. Humboldt based his arguments on the belief that in the process of creating the rule of law it is indispensable to proclaim an individual’s inalienable rights to freedom and security. The text also mirrors the revolutionary changes that led in the second half of the 18th century to dissolution of the traditional model of Jewish life.
EN
Th is article examines how corruption and legal changes were interrelated in Bavaria and Prussia around 1800. A number of both legal and administrative reforms occurred across Central Europe during this time period. In the article, it is argued that these reforms were mainly forced and justifi ed by a new type of charges on corruption that had been appeared in public debates since the 1780s. Th e new critics of corruption had denounced the ‘Ancien Régime’ as endemically corrupt and had demanded reforms that bear resemblance with the bureaucracy developed by Max Weber. With the new critics, however, new political actors had appeared in both monarchies and had come into conflict with the entrenched powers – the monarch and the estates. It needed twenty years until the new notions of corruption, common good and government became standard in the public debates. The article consists of three parts: The first part sheds light on the events before the reforms. It shows that a new notion of corruption appeared in the 1780s, but clashed against the older concepts. This section also describes the political confl icts and features an analysis of the interrelation between these confl icts and corruption charges. The second section contains an analysis how the reformers used the new concepts of corruption to delegitimise the old administrative and legal structure. Th ey used corruption charges to justify their own reform proposals within the administration, but even in public communication especially through semi-offi cial journals. The third part focuses on diff erent legal changes that were aff ected by corruption charges either directly or indirectly. It was very diff erent laws that changed due to corruption charges: rules for recruitment and remuneration of officials, house laws of the ruling dynasties and their civil lists, the secret policy of both government and ‘private’ associations. Corruption charges had, thus, a considerable infl uence on the political constitution of the two monarchies. Interestingly, this article shows how changing arguments in the public sphere infl uenced the administrative and legal body in monarchies that did not exhibit a legislative body like a parliament. It also shows how corruption charges were used by political actors to achieve their goals.
EN
The erection of the brick castle of the Teutonic Order in Nidzica (border territory of the state of the Teutonic Order with Mazovia), intended as the seat of the Teutonic pfleger, directly subordinate to the commander of Ostróda, began at the end of the 14th century. The castle has so far been studied almost solely by historians of art, who were not entirely familiar with the numerous medieval written sources that referred to it. The analysis of the records (documents, correspondence, bills, stock lists) carried out in this article provides answers to two key questions. First, the brick castle of the Teutonic pfleger in Nidzica, which has survived to this day, was built in the period of 1399–1409, contrary to the suggestions of previous researchers, who dated it about 20 years earlier. The main (western) wing was completed in 1405. In the following years, intensive construction work was carried out on the other three wings of the main castle and the surrounding defensive curtain wall (and possibly the outer bailey). In March 1409, the first mention of a Teutonic pfleger appeared in the sources, and the newly built castle became his headquarters. Secondly, the earlier wood-earthen fortress (probably erected in the 1350s) was placed in a different location, which is still unrecognized today.
EN
The article presents the evolution of the stance regarding Polish emigration taken at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries in “Gazeta Grudziądzka” (“Grudziądz Newspaper”), which was popular among Poles in the Prussian Partition. Through an analysis of texts published in this journal, the approach of Polish elites to the phenomenon of economic migration and the national factor of this approach were presented.
Zapiski Historyczne
|
2011
|
vol. 76
|
issue 3
99-113
XX
The subject under discussion is the place where in 1243 or 1244 the Teutonic army was defeated – the basin called “Rensen”, “Rense”, or “Reußen”, “Reussenn”, “Reüßen”, “Reusen”. The names enumerated above come from the manuscripts of the chronicle of Peter from Dusburg – written in its major part before 1326, and continued until 1330. It is the oldest source which gives the name of the site of the battle and information about it. The form “Rensen”, appearing in literature, was identified with Rządz (Rządzkie Lake) near Grudziądz. Jarosław Wenta recognizing first the form “Rensen” and later also “Reusen” stated that the place must have been situated near Chełmno. As the chronicle of Peter from Dusburg failed to provide explicit identification, we employed historiographical monuments which used the manuscripts of the chronicle, as well as other sources giving the knowledge about the name we are interested in. The majority of the sources contain the name “Rensen” and names similar to it, which are identified with Rządzkie Lake. Moreover, the cartographic sources including Rządzkie Lake near Grudziądz did not recognize the basin “Reussen” near Chełmno. It is also known that the diphthong “eu” did not appear in the written German language in Prussia until the turn of the 14th and 15th centuries. Peter from Dusburg did not use the diphthong “eu” in German words denoting proper names. | us, it is very unlikely that he used the form “Reussen” or a form similar to it. The author further explains his opinion on the existence of such forms in the manuscripts. In Latin palaeography the lower-case letter “n” resembled “u”. The copyists, not knowing the geography of Prussia, must have made a palaeographic mistake changing “n” into “u”. To sum up, it is quite certain that the basin “Reussen” (“Reusen”) near Chełmno never existed, and the battle took place in Rządz near Grudziądz.
11
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EN
The aim of this study is to outline the summary development of Jewish nobility (persons of the Jewish faith or origin) in the Hapsburg Monarchy, yet focusing primarily upon contemporary specifics in terms of their nobilitations. It summarizes the development of awarding aristocratic titles to these persons and attempts to characterize the main milestones of nobilitations and compares the nobilitation policy of the rulers of the Danube Monarchy and the Kingdom of Prussia towards individuals of the Jewish faith and origin.
EN
In February 1914, the Agricultural Associations of Housewives, operating in the Eastern provinces of Prussia since the 1890s, were subordinated to organisations responsible for the development of agriculture in Prussia, which were dominated by conservatives and noble landowners. This came about on the initiative of some influential agrarians, who, in this way, wanted to strengthen their influence in rural areas, as well as to include the women’s agrarian movement in combating the outflow of labour from agriculture. The women’s organizations, having been politicized in this way and adopted by agrarian leaders after 1908, were to implement a new strategy for preventing the migration of rural population to cities. This is as a resulted of the partial support for Heinrich Sohnrey’s programme and his concept of improving the quality of life in rural areas. Elisabet Boehm, the founder of the associations, from the very beginning of their existence, sought to cooperate with agricultural organizations. She believed that this would be the only way for members to gain access to the expertise for implementing the main point of the association’s agenda, i.e. the professionalization of women’s work in rural areas. The article focuses on explaining the circumstances that led to the interest of the agrarians in the women’s agrarian movement and its inclusion in the reform programme for rural prosperity launched just before the war and showing that the cooperation was primarily aimed at using the associations to strengthen their influence in rural areas.
DE
Fontane war sich dessen bewusst, dass einige seiner Meinungen nur provisorisch, also veränderlich waren. Ein so radikaler Umschwung wie bei seinen zwei Beurteilungen von Kleists „Prinz Friedrich von Homburg“ ist aber selbst für seine Verhältnisse ungewöhnlich. Den Grund für seinen Wandel von empörter Ablehnung zur uneingeschränkten Lobpreisung darf man am ehesten in der utopischen Beschaffenheit von Kleists vaterländischem Fantasiestück suchen.
EN
Few writers have changed their minds as often, and about as many things, as Fontane. His most striking volte-face concerned Kleist’s glorification of their common Prussian homeland: the drama Prince Frederick of Homburg. Fontane reviled the work in 1872 and unconditionally sang its praises four years later. Why? Perhaps because Kleist’s utopian dream made it possible to suspend disbelief in Prussia’s promises, and to pretend they were almost true.
Zapiski Historyczne
|
2019
|
vol. 84
|
issue 1
85-121
EN
The visuality of the seal, as expressed in the title of the article, should be understood as a collection of stamp elements received by means of wax. Consequently, they will include not only the image of the seal and the caption, but also the shape, size and colour of the wax in which the imprint was made. All those elements can transfer important information from the point of view of the owner, expressing their individuality. Two groups of factors have had an impact on the visuality of the seal: legal and cultural factors. The first group of factors defined the sigillographical system of the owner, but they could also indicate the circle of persons deciding on the shape of a particular seal, or they could directly refer to the form of imprints. The second groups of factors influenced the shape of the message on the seal recorded in both the verbal sphere, iconography and in the form of prints. Among the city seals from the area of Prussia, round seals prevail; their diameters range from 80 to 30 mm. They were usually imprinted in natural wax, green or, less often, black. Only Gdańsk and Toruń were allowed to use red wax under the special privileges granted by the monarchs. Captions included in the seal were usually formulated in Latin, although the names of towns were usually written in German despite the existence of their Latin counterparts. Imaginary ideas, in the context of the typology proposed by Toni Diederich, mostly represented the symbolic type, although a significant percentage of them constituted the canting arms and coats of arms. Other types appear less often. However, the complexity and ambiguity of messages written on the seal by means of images means that any attempt to include them in the typology framework results in the simplification of interpretation. That is why, the research of city seals based on the assumption that they represent the urban self-awareness – the sign of the center’s identity (Brigitte Miriam Bedos-Rezak) becomes more and more significant. In this context, information provided by the visual side of the seal can be reduced to three sets of messages: presenting the city as a topographic space, presenting the city as a social space and presenting the city’s relations with the surroundings. The name of the city determined the town’s definition as a settlement point, which we encounter in legends, but also the notions of canting arms frequently found in Prussia (e.g. Sepopol, Orneta, Allenburg). Seals with the images of walls and urban buildings (e.g. Malbork, Cynty, Toruń) showed the city as an organized space. Paradoxically, the images of wild animals, extremely popular in Prussia, which combined with the legend identifying the owner as a city, showed what the city was not. It is in the seal’s legends that we find the most frequent reference to the city as a social space. Determining the main seals as sigillum civitatis, burgensium, civium, Borger, indicates that the owner of the seal maker was the community of residents. The language of the caption indicates the cultural embedding of the commune. In turn, the size and material of the print inform about the real significance of the center, or about the aspirations of its inhabitants. In connection with the legend, it sometimes brings information about the place occupied by the seal in the urban sigillographic system, which is often derived from the structure of municipal authorities. The images shown on the seal, in turn, refer to the devotion of the commune (e.g. Brodnica), or professions of its residents (e.g. Pieniężno, Młynary, Elbląg, Gdańsk). Through the images representing the city walls or the arms, they finally illustrate the readiness of the inhabitants to defend themselves (e.g .Toruń, Malbork), or they indicate that the urban community had its defender (Chełmno, Pasłęk?). Many of the seal’s images from the Prussian region refer to the city’s relationship with the broadly understood surroundings. By showing the coats of arms (Bisztynek, Malbork), symbols (Toruń, Gardeja, Lidzbark Wamiński), or insignia or attributes (e.g. Reszel, Barczewo, Fischhausen) of a land master or his representative, the seal indicated the owner of the center. In this context, particularly interesting, but also poorly recognized are the links between the iconography of city seals and the images of the seals of the Teutonic officials (e.g. Święta Siekierka, Górowo Iławckie, Radzyń Chełmiński). Finally, the hagiographic seals indicate the relations of the urban community with the supernatural world (Frombork, Pieniężno, Sztum, Gierdawy, and Toruń). The example of the Frombork seal shows that all these meanings can interpenetrate, contributing the creation of a complex image of the city represented on the seal.
EN
The visuality of the seal, as expressed in the title of the article, should be understood as a collection of stamp elements received by means of wax. Consequently, they will include not only the image of the seal and the caption, but also the shape, size and colour of the wax in which the imprint was made. All those elements can transfer important information from the point of view of the owner, expressing their individuality. Two groups of factors have had an impact on the visuality of the seal: legal and cultural factors. The first group of factors defined the sigillographical system of the owner, but they could also indicate the circle of persons deciding on the shape of a particular seal, or they could directly refer to the form of imprints. The second groups of factors influenced the shape of the message on the seal recorded in both the verbal sphere, iconography and in the form of prints. Among the city seals from the area of Prussia, round seals prevail; their diameters range from 80 to 30 mm. They were usually imprinted in natural wax, green or, less often, black. Only Gdańsk and Toruń were allowed to use red wax under the special privileges granted by the monarchs. Captions included in the seal were usually formulated in Latin, although the names of towns were usually written in German despite the existence of their Latin counterparts. Imaginary ideas, in the context of the typology proposed by Toni Diederich, mostly represented the symbolic type, although a significant percentage of them constituted the canting arms and coats of arms. Other types appear less often. However, the complexity and ambiguity of messages written on the seal by means of images means that any attempt to include them in the typology framework results in the simplification of interpretation. That is why, the research of city seals based on the assumption that they represent the urban self-awareness – the sign of the center’s identity (Brigitte Miriam Bedos-Rezak) becomes more and more significant. In this context, information provided by the visual side of the seal can be reduced to three sets of messages: presenting the city as a topographic space, presenting the city as a social space and presenting the city’s relations with the surroundings. The name of the city determined the town’s definition as a settlement point, which we encounter in legends, but also the notions of canting arms frequently found in Prussia (e.g. Sepopol, Orneta, Allenburg). Seals with the images of walls and urban buildings (e.g. Malbork, Cynty, Toruń) showed the city as an organized space. Paradoxically, the images of wild animals, extremely popular in Prussia, which combined with the legend identifying the owner as a city, showed what the city was not. It is in the seal’s legends that we find the most frequent reference to the city as a social space. Determining the main seals as sigillum civitatis, burgensium, civium, Borger, indicates that the owner of the seal maker was the community of residents. The language of the caption indicates the cultural embedding of the commune. In turn, the size and material of the print inform about the real significance of the center, or about the aspirations of its inhabitants. In connection with the legend, it sometimes brings information about the place occupied by the seal in the urban sigillographic system, which is often derived from the structure of municipal authorities. The images shown on the seal, in turn, refer to the devotion of the commune (e.g. Brodnica), or professions of its residents (e.g. Pieniężno, Młynary, Elbląg, Gdańsk). Through the images representing the city walls or the arms, they finally illustrate the readiness of the inhabitants to defend themselves (e.g .Toruń, Malbork), or they indicate that the urban community had its defender (Chełmno, Pasłęk?). Many of the seal’s images from the Prussian region refer to the city’s relationship with the broadly understood surroundings. By showing the coats of arms (Bisztynek, Malbork), symbols (Toruń, Gardeja, Lidzbark Wamiński), or insignia or attributes (e.g. Reszel, Barczewo, Fischhausen) of a land master or his representative, the seal indicated the owner of the center. In this context, particularly interesting, but also poorly recognized are the links between the iconography of city seals and the images of the seals of the Teutonic officials (e.g. Święta Siekierka, Górowo Iławckie, Radzyń Chełmiński). Finally, the hagiographic seals indicate the relations of the urban community with the supernatural world (Frombork, Pieniężno, Sztum, Gierdawy, and Toruń). The example of the Frombork seal shows that all these meanings can interpenetrate, contributing the creation of a complex image of the city represented on the seal.
Zapiski Historyczne
|
2023
|
vol. 88
|
issue 4
119-156
EN
The book by Norbert Delestowicz on members of the Teutonic Order in the first half of the 14th century was highly anticipated within the scholarly community, and the research conducted by the historian from Poznań seemed promising. Until now, comprehensive biographies were prepared only for the representatives of the Prussian branch of the Teutonic Order, who appeared in primary sources up to 1309. In his endeavour to bridge this historiographical gap, the author of the reviewed book undertook an extensive effort to create a collective portrait of the analysed group and to construct several hundred biographies of Teutonic knights, priests, and sariant-brothers. However, the laborious task of accurately collecting and organising the vast amount of source material posed numerous challenges for the author, leading to evident shortcomings. This discussion article aims to highlight various errors that can be found throughout the book, including those in the general chapters, individual biographies, and the appended lists of Teutonic officials and convent members. Many of these errors suggest the disorder that prevailed during the creation of different parts of the book, as well as shortcomings stemming from incomplete or inadequate use of available primary sources and relevant scholarly publications. Regrettably, the extent of identified deficiencies prevents us from considering the reviewed monograph as a fully successful scholarly publication.
PL
Wiek XIX przyniósł w Prusach likwidację poddaństwa i feudalizmu, rozwój kapitalizmu, z czasem coraz bardziej przemysłowego oraz demokratyzację życia, przede wszystkim po 1848 r. Z punktu widzenia dziejów kobiet oznaczało to z jednej strony wzrost ich udziału w pracy najemnej, z drugiej osłabienie znaczenia tradycyjnego rzemieślniczego czy chłopskiego gospodarstwa domowego będącego jednocześnie jednostką rodzinną i gospodarczą. Zmiany przyniosły stopniowe włączanie dziewcząt w edukację, ale stagnację w zakresie partycypacji politycznej mimo coraz częstszych reformatorskich żądań ówczesnych humanistów. Pojawiły się pierwsze formy instytucjonalizacji organizacji kobiecych w Prusach. W ówczesnym prawie pruskim kobieta nie miała zdolności procesowych. Pozycja kobiety w rodzinie z ekonomicznego i politycznego punktu widzenia pozostała podporządkowana mężczyźnie, ale rola kobiety jako żony, matki i obiektu romantycznego była jednak duża. W ówczesnej kulturze w Prusach mężczyźnie przypisywano aktywność, racjonalność i orientację zawodową, a kobiecie pasywność, emocjonalność, macierzyństwo, poświęcenie i ofiarność dla dobra męża i dzieci. Przy braku antykoncepcji nadal dominowała liczna rodzina nuklearna, ale też występowała znaczna śmiertelność dzieci.
EN
The nineteenth century brought in Prussia elimination of serfdom and feudalism, the development of capitalism, which with time, was becaming more and more industrial and democratization of life, especially after 1848. From the point of view of the history of women, on the one hand it meant the increase of their participation in employment, on the other hand though it signified the weakening the traditional crafts of peasant household which simultanousely was a family and economic unit. The changes brought about the gradual inclusion of girls in education; nevertheless, they were also connected with stagnation of women's political participation despite the increasing prevalence of reformist demands of contemporary humanists. Moreover, the first forms of industralisation of women's organisations in Prussia occurred. In the conterporary Prussian law women lacked the capabilty to act in court proceedings. >From an economic and political point of view the position of women in the family remained as subordinate to the man, however, the role of women as wives, mothers and romantic object was high. In the contemporary culture in Prussia, men were seen as active, rational and of professional orentation, whereas women were passive, emotional and connected with motherhood, dedication and sacrifice for the sake of her husband and children. In the absence of contraception the number of nucler families still prevailed but at that time the mortality of children was high as well.
18
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EN
The presented contribution contains a discussion and a version of the document on the Bezławki settlement (Germ. Bäslack) dated 29 June 1409. This source survived only as a 16th-century copy included in a larger notebook with excerpts of documents confirming the bestowal of lands, estate sale and purchase transactions and land borders within the Rastenburg Hauptamt. Next to information relevant to the history of Bezławki and the nearby settlements, the discussed document also presents the manner of creating dependencies between the less affluent and the rich landowners belonging to the group of the so-called free men (Germ. Freien). As a result, it illustrates the mediatisation process, which is rather poorly confirmed by source documents and virtually non-researched for Prussia of the 1st half of the 15th century.
EN
A great landed estate is defined as a farmstead of a minimum area of 100 hectares, operating either as an independent enterprise or owned by the gentry or wealthy middle class. The functioning of such landed estates (in Germany and under the Prussian partition known as Rittergüter) was closely linked to the ownership structure of past times, when private ownership of land entailed a number of privileges and a high social prestige. The Poznań Province was an exporter of crops and agricultural produce and on account of its geographical and geopolitical location was perceived as part of the East Elbian economy (Ostelbien). At the same time it was an outlet for manufacturers of farming tools and machines from the neighboring provinces (mainly Brandenburg). At the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries the Greater Poland village was dominated by German great landed estates which within the span of a century managed to allegedly permanently link Greater Poland to Prussia and the German state. The participation of German landed estate owners in the economic and social life of Greater Poland in the years 1815-1914 must be assessed as a dynamic process of transformation of the entire Greater Poland within just one century. Those changes were still noticeable in the interwar period when a majority of the landed estate owners assumed Polish citizenship and actively contributed to the economic and political life of the Second Republic of Poland.
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