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EN
The article entitled ‘The development of the European Union in the areas of migration, visa and asylum after 2015. Priorities, effects, perspectives’ is a contribution to the public discourse on one of the biggest problems and challenges facing the European Union in the 21st century from a political, economic and social perspective. The (un)controlled influx of refugees to Europe after 2015, which is the result of political destabilization and the unstable socio-economic situation in the region of North Africa and the Middle East, clearly indicates that during the ‘test’, the existing refugee protection system in the European Union did not pass the ‘exam’. In connection with the above, attempts to modify it have been made at the EU level. This article is a presentation of individual solutions (‘Fortress Europe’, ‘Open Door Policy’, ‘Sluice’), as well as an analysis and evaluation of the possibilities of their implementation in the current difficult crisis conditions.
EN
The American invasion of Iraq in 2003 rendered that country a field on which a five-year battle was fought out between the coalition armies, government forces, the resistance movement, terrorist groups and the fighting wings of the political parties. The brute acts of violence exercised against the civilian population living in 15 of Iraq's 18 provinces brought about the deaths of at least one hundred thousand people and led to one of the largest waves of refugees and internal refugees in recent years. Between 2003 and 2008, as many as 2.7 million people, representing 10% of the Iraqi population, fled their homes; of these, approximately 2 million Iraqis crossed beyond the borders of their country. The number of internal refugees remaining in Iraq is comparable with the number in Darfur and we may indeed recognise that this is a country which has seen one of the contemporary world's greatest humanitarian crises. The article analyses the factors which forced almost 3 million Iraqis to flee their homes; it also presents both the refugees' living conditions in adjacent countries, particularly Syria and Jordan, and the impact of the situation on those countries. In addition to the civil war and the wave of brutal violence against the civilian population, the escape from Iraq was driven not only by the country's dramatic economic and humanitarian situation, but also by the laws introduced by the Coalition Provisional Authority (CPA) and directed against members of the Baath party. The analysis of the Iraqi refugees' living conditions focuses on their human and material situation, since having spent many years abroad with no permanent source of income has forced hundreds of thousands of the refugees below the poverty line. The final section of the article deals with the prospects of the Iraqis returning to their homeland. The author demonstrates that a mass return to Iraq remains out of the question until such time as the Baghdad government succeeds in putting a stop to the waves of abductions, murders and lawlessness, eliminating the myriad armed groups, and lifting the infrastructure, education and health care out of their current state of collapse.
EN
For Asante our “battle is intense, the struggle we wage for status power is serious and we cannot communicate as equals when our economic position is that of servants” (2008, p. 49), words that resonated with the author throughout her research with Sudanese Australian young women about their educational experiences, as captured in co-created short films. While the work moved between social science and arts-based research the author questioned the basis of her relationship with the co-participants, and the possibility of fluid status positions within educational contexts. This paper interrogates the impossibility within neoliberal secondary school contexts for activist educational research (Giroux, 2005) to be the kind of the ‘interchange’ of which Asante speaks, a source of creative understanding for researchers and co-participants, if it cannot address co-participants’ (and teacher/student) unequal material conditions. In the case presented in this article, materially-influenced communication challenges reflect current curricular and pedagogical tensions, especially for refugee-background students. Where racial, cultural and socio-economic marginalities intersect, pedagogical and curricular possibilities are sometimes foreclosed before students even enter ‘neoliberal’ classrooms.
EN
Surprisingly little is known about the developmental years of the Protestant Reformer John Calvin, yet scholars agree that experiences in Calvin’s youth were critical to shaping his theology. It is possible that insights from TCK studies can aid Calvin scholars? Calvin does fit the profile of a TCK. He spent his teenage years living away from his family home in a distinct cultural enclave. Furthermore, he not only thought of himself as one foreign or apart, he exhibited a number of TCK characteristics. Assuming Calvin was a TCK, it is possible to analyze his personality, his theology, and his scriptural interpretation through the lens of modern socio-scientific research on highly mobile populations. Such analysis illumines the insights of Calvin scholars who have already identified Calvin’s experience of cultural and geographic mobility as the root of his patterns of social behavior, theological concepts such as an emphasis on the sovereignty of God, and his empathy with scriptural narratives involving pilgrimage. More importantly, the usefulness of TCK research in studying John Calvin suggests that modern socio-scientific studies of highly mobile populations may be equally valuable to historians working on other groups or individual or in other fields.
EN
The article examines the link between the admission of refugees to the United States and the country’s foreign policy interest during the Cold War. The author analyses the post-war American refugee assistance acts and immigration laws to reveal U.S. policy choices made between safeguarding country’s security during the Cold War to taking political advantage of the refugee arrivals. The factors that provided for the refugees’ entry to the U.S. during the Cold War were determined by foreign policy concerns and the decisions related to the refugee crises were the domain of the executive up until 1980s. Given the Cold War context, most of the refugee crises occurring behind the Iron Curtain in Europe benefited U.S. psychological warfare programs, while Asian and Latin American refugees, often a consequence of direct (at times covert) U.S. political-military-economic involvement, put the U.S. on the defensive.
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