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EN
Security is a natural human need. Security needs include a desire for steady employment, health insurance, safe neighborhoods, and shelter from the environment. This article presents a description of the nature of the safety of the refugees, and persons with subsidiary protection, which are guaranteed with due respect for the rules of the Geneva Convention, and the safety of foreigners who applying for international protection.
EN
This is the first part of a two-part article on the creation and financing of the Czech Refugee Trust Fund. The article considers the state of affairs that emerged after the Munich Agreement of September 1938: the break-up of the Republic of Czechoslovakia, the accession of parts of Czechoslovakia to Hitler's Germany, the creation of the short lived Czecho-Slovakia (or Second Republic), and the great number of refugees fleeing the country. The most important prerequisite for the creation of the Czech Refugee Trust Fund, which was active in Great Britain throughout the Second World War and, in fact, all the way into the 1970s, was the provision of Anglo-French loans for the reconstruction of post-Munich-Agreement Czecho-Slovakia in January 1939, and, in particular, the L4 million British grant in support of refugees. The primary recipients of British support were, as intended, ethnic Germans (particularly Social Democrats and other opponents of Nazism) and Jews, who sought to escape the Second Republic and whose emigration to British dominions and Palestine was supported by Great Britain. By the time the rump Czechoslovakia was occupied by Germany (15 March 1939), however, only part of the loan had been used. Moreover, a problem arose with the support of Czech (and also Slovak) émigrés on British territory. These difficulties were surmounted by the creation of the Czech Refugee Trust Fund, to which the remaining funds from the British grant were finally transferred in January 1940, and then used to support refugees. The means of support and the actual work of the Fund are analyzed in greater detail by the authors in Part Two of their article, which will be published in a future issue of Soudobé dějiny.
EN
Te purpose of this article is to present the right to work for refugees and persons seeking this status in Poland. Te right to work has been presented as an important element reducing social exclusion of persons seeking international protection. Te text is divided into two parts. In the frst part we present law assuring access to work under international law, European Union law and the Polish law. Te legal analysis is divided into two stages. Te frst stage refers to the determination of the rights of people applying for a refugee status, the second indicates the rights of refugees. Te second part discusses the results of the survey conducted on access to work among these groups in Podlaskie.
EN
The aim of this paper is to present support rendered by Polish veterans in Canada for the “Polish cause” in 1980s – i.e. during the brief “carnival of Solidarity” and subsequent period of martial law which resulted in massive wave of emigrants leaving the country between 1981– –1987. The scope of engagement of Polish WWII veterans settled in Canada into various forms of assistance for the Solidarity movement in Poland (demonstrations, petitions, fundraising) and combatants’ attitude towards the new wave of political and economic immigrants arriving from Poland to the Country of Maple Leaf in 1980s. is presented on the basis of archival documents (by-laws, regulations, financial reports, internal correspondence) and press releases (“SPK w Kanadzie” – quarterly magazine of the Polish Combatants Association in Canada).
EN
This report aims to introduce an organisation called the International Cities of Refuge Network (ICORN). Derived from the Sanctuary Movement, ICORN assists refugee artists around the world. The Sanctuary Movement was developed in the United States and Canada as a network of over 500 safe havens for Central American refugees. From the 2000s on, the movement focused more on moral injustices in the national immigration system and sought to confront global injustices on local levels. In turn, in the UK and Ireland the City of Sanctuary movement started in 2005 and turned into a network of over 60 towns and cities proud of being safe places for people seeking sanctuary and helping them to integrate in the local communities. Each ICORN city focuses on one writer/artist at a time and provides him/her with a safe place to stay and economic security for a standard term of two years. Currently, over 55 cities worldwide are part of the network (ICORN 2016).
EN
The aim of the presented paper is to analyze international migrations both from and to the area of ex-Yugoslavia in 1991-2006 and to identify their possible influence on international relations, mainly among the successor states of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY), Central European countries with large communities of population of South Slav and Kosovo origin (Austria, Germany, Switzerland) and the Czech Republic. The paper consists of three main parts. The first part is, besides a brief characteristics of political development and circumstances leading to the break-up of SFRY, giving a detailed statistic of all the significant migration waves in each individual republic of the former federation, stating the main reasons and impacts of the migrations mentioned, as well as critically appraising all the available facts on the extent of given migration waves. The second part deals with the problems of constitution, structure and numeral development of the South Slav and Kosovo communities in the Czech Republic and other selected Central European countries. In the closing part we work towards to find a factual and time context in the changes of migration and integration policy of target countries, in reaction to the humanitarian crisis in Yugoslavia of the given period.
EN
As a result of the aggravated situation in the border regions and of the Munich Agreement the Czechoslovak authorities had to intensely cope with the problem of refugees from the border areas, particularly as of September 1938. In November 1938, a central body - the Refugee Aid Center - was established to provide large-scale support for refugees. Simultaneously, a number of volunteer organizations were providing help. A very important role in this particular activity was played by the District authorities that were responsible for the basic aid to the refugees at the local level. In addition to state budget funds money coming from abroad was also available, particularly donations from Great Britain and a dedicated loan to cope with the consequences of the Munich Agreement. Aid to refugees was one of the very complex problems that Czechoslovakia had to cope with after Munich. The consequences of the huge migration of population from the border regions to the core of the country constituted a hot problem for the state during the whole period of war, which continued even after the end of the war.
EN
The communication presents the theoretical framework and empirical findings of an international research comparing Dutch and Polish social workers' discourses concerning refugees. The underlying assumption of the research project was that the relations between social workers and refugees might be considered as relations of the power: the former posses the institutional, professional and cultural power over the latter. Those relations of power might then be either preserved or contested through social workers' discourses and therefore the analysis of the language-in-use seems to create a useful perspective to inspect them. The analysis of interviews with social workers from two Polish and two Dutch institutions providing assistance for refugees shows that the images of refugees constructed by the Poles and the Dutch differ significantly. The Dutch present a uniformly positive image of their clients. They consider refugees as victims of past miseries and present injustices, and they also acknowledge refugees' potential and willingness to cope with the difficult situation. Responsibility for the difficulties, however, is located mainly in the state policies and the Dutch society. The Polish picture is much more ambiguous. There is also the element of presenting refugees as innocent victims, but descriptions of refugees' present behaviours in the host country convey an image of untrustworthiness, idleness, and demands. Difficult situation of refugees is blamed on the overall crisis in Poland, but to a large extent they are refugees themselves who are found responsible for their problems. Differences in the Polish and Dutch social workers' images of refugees are explained by the national contexts of the refugee assistance. The less favourable opinions of the Polish social workers are to some extent understandable if one takes into consideration such factors as Poland's worse socio-economic situation, less hostile public attitudes towards immigrants, different history of integration policies, and different system of social workers' education. It is argued, however, that a change in the Polish workers' discourses could be advantageous as it could empower the refugees in Poland and help them achieve more self-dependence.
EN
The Zbaszyn Deportation, also known by its Nazi term as the 'Polenaktion', occurred on October 28, 1938, less than two weeks before the 'Reichkristallnacht' Pogrom of November 9, 1938, an event that looms larger than all other actions in the story of the destruction of the Jews of Europe. The Polenaktion expelled nearly 20,000 Polish Jews from Germany and was soon eclipsed by the state invoked violence of Kristallnacht wherein tens of thousands of German Jews lost their homes, their businesses, their synagogues, their civil liberties, and some even their lives. As an episode of profound historical eminence, it is no wonder that Kristallnacht overshadowed the very event that precipitated it, pushing the Polenaktion into obscurity for the last seventy years. Known to historians as the Zbaszyn Deportations and termed by the Nazis as the Polenaktion, this event received little to no attention in the massive field of Holocaust scholarship over the ensuing decades since it occurred. This paper utilizes the historical works of Milton, Maurer, and Tomaszewski, along with original documents from the 'Politisches Auswärtiges Amt in Berlin' and newly discovered testimonies of Zbaszyn Deportation survivors, such as Cantor Joseph Cysner and other witnesses of the Polenaktion, to update and further clarify the historiography of these events.
EN
The paper aims to challenge the widespread notion, according to which Slovakia and in broader sense the whole Central European region represent a simple transit stage for the refugees on their way to the usual destination areas located in Western Europe. In particular, the author argues that it is necessary to consider insecurity as a significant factor in refugees' decision making concerning their further migration.
EN
The article attempts to analyse the challenges facing Polish state migration policy regarding of persons trying to obtain refugee status. We use the metaphor „refugee field,” and focus both on the evolution of the refugee policy and the problems it may face in the near future. We discuss successively: changes in refugee movements the development and differentiation of relevant laws, the transformation of administrative structures dealing with these issues, as well as attitudes to the refugee theme in Polish public opinion. We attempt to demonstrate that the evolution of administrative and legal provisions for the protection of refugees (or „refugee field”) during the last two decades reveals tensions between the internationalization and adoption (transposition) of European solutions and the need to adapt them to Poland’s administrative conditions and geopolitical situation. The challenges faced by institutions dealing with these issues – and particularly state institutions (Office for Foreigners) – are in the short term related to legal and institutional changes (especially the new Aliens Act), and in the long run to the changing global trends in refugee movements, and Poland’s increasing role as an immigration country. The very specific problems arising in „the refugee field” (and in the migration policy) are difficult to predict and they will always show tensions between legal and humanitarian procedures, owing to the specifi c, individual life situations of refugee candidates.
EN
The relocation of thousands of Polish refugees in East Africa in 1942 required a considerable effort to set up institutions capable of providing social and political care upon their arrival from Iran. Th e aim of this article is to give some insights into the tremendous task performed by the Polish officials to establish an effective administration in various British territories in Africa. Due to severe shortages of appropriate cadres the governmental agencies in refugee settlements and in Nairobi were understaffed and plagued by conflicts. The erosion of credibility of the Polish Government-in-Exile aft er the Yalta conference led to the gradual marginalization by the British of the refugees’ institutions in Africa. Nevertheless, the Polish administration in Africa survived the end of the war in 1945 and its structures functioned until the departure of the majority of Poles between 1948 and 1950.
EN
The aim of the study was to explore the motivations of solidarity with Ukrainian refugees in Slovakia. In particular, it aimed to examine the motivations of people who had engaged in helping immigrants and refugees in the past as well as those who started only after the invasion of Ukraine. The first theme was based on the events the participants described as triggers or significant moments that had elicited their need to support refugees. These moments were often accompanied by moral shock, leading to solidarity based actions. The second theme presented a broader perspective on helping a disadvantaged group. This was based on participants’ constructions of their social identity that contributes to the level of inclusiveness of the moral circle. The extent to which different disadvantaged groups are morally excluded or included also shapes which experiences or events trigger moral shock, and lead to selective solidarity on behalf of Ukrainian refugees vs. refugees from other countries. As well as providing a basis for further research, the findings also invite us to reflect on how public discourse can shape the level of inclusiveness of the moral circle in society and subsequently facilitate or hinder solidarity-based collective action.
EN
What determines whether people perceive helping refugees as risky? Based on the predictions of the Cultural Theory of Risk, we experimentally investigated whether people’s perception of risk depends on their value orientations and whether presenting balanced arguments affects risk assessments. The participants (N = 1004) indicated the level of risk they see in the possibility of their country accepting refugees in the 2015 refugee crisis in Europe, as well as in a less polarizing topic of mandatory MMR vaccination for comparison. Half of the sample read balanced arguments about these topics before risk assessment and the other half did not. Contrary to our predictions, balanced arguments did not influence how people perceived risks in either domain. Rather, risk assessment was affected by their worldviews: those who held fundamentalist values and believed in a strong state, tended to see helping refugees as risky. Mandatory vaccination was threatening for those in favour of fundamentalist values, but opposed to state interventions. Moreover, the subjective feeling of being knowledgeable of the refugee crisis, regardless of the accuracy of this knowledge, increased risk perception; for vaccination, more information was associated with decreased risk. The results suggest that risk assessment is influenced by people’s worldviews and the perceived urgency of the respective issues.
EN
The 2015 refugee crisis – as the mass influx of migrants from the Middle East is commonly dubbed – tested the European Union’s ability to react to large-scale humanitarian emergencies. Apart from various organizational, social and political changes that the 2015 refugee crisis has brought to the European Union, it has also marked the growing role of information and communication technology (ICT) in the EU’s asylum and migration policies. Drawing from the critical perspective of international relations and such concepts as securitization of migration, the paper aims to analyse the engagement of ICT by EU institutions and individual Member States during the refugee crisis in 2015.
EN
The article aims at analyzing Polish migration policy and in particular, an access to education system for children migrants in refugee centers and detention centers. In recent years, much has been written about Polish migration policy (e.g., Kicinger 2009; Górny, Grabowska-Lusińska, Lesińska, Okólski 2011; Kicinger Koryś 2011, Okólski 2012) as well as the education of migrant children in Poland. While the former approach has been developed in academia and framed in public policy analysis, the latter has been developed by NGOs, the Ministry of the Interior and Ombudsman Office, and from results of monitoring of refugee centers and detention centers. The two fields rarely meet - therefore, this article addresses this gap by embedding the analysis of educational access for migrant children in a broader context of migration policy, and argues that the existing policy actually results in direct and indirect discrimination of migrant children. Access to education is either strictly limited (in case of detention centers) or hindered (children in refugee centers). Lack of systematic approach to education for children migrants reflects in lack of training for teachers to teach Polish as a foreign language, lack of multicultural training, even if there are some specific tools such as multicultural assistants, they are rarely used because the need is not recognized by local administration. We recognize positive impact of different social actors to introduce changes in the system. The actors are nongovernmental organization assisting migrants and researchers and academics analyzing Polish migration policy. Nevertheless, we argue that the problems faced by migrant children within Polish education system can only be solved by introducing systematic approach to Polish migration policy.
Lud
|
2009
|
vol. 93
49-68
EN
The article shows the role that so-called refugee camps or refugee centres play in the development of the identity and culture of refugee groups. In organized refugee camps their inhabitants can be controlled, distribution of aid is facilitated and repatriation programme is easier to carry out. Therefore refugee camps are considered, both by the authorities of refugee receiving countries and UNHCR and humanitarian organisations, as the most effective and cheapest form of their protection. However, such camps are not conducive to the integration of the refugees with the host society, which would be desired in a situation when a quick return to their home country is not possible. A long stay in camps and manifestation of power over refugees by camp staff create grounds for the development of a new identity of refugees. This identity is associated with the specific moral attitude and behaviour code, which is manifested as the 'culture of resistance'. What binds such groups of refugees is the political community of identity and interests and a feeling of enslavement of the 'people in exile', which differentiates refugees from people living outside the camp. The author emphasizes that nation-forming processes can take place without the involvement of the state apparatus and territory. Keeping refugees in camps for a long time can have serious consequences. In conclusion the author describes the reasons for this state of affairs - on the one hand it is the national character of modern states, which defend themselves against the inflow of immigrants, and, on the other - the international system of their protection, which maintains a large number of unemployed refugees in emigration for many years. This system paradoxically strengthens the problem of refugees and creates new difficulties.
EN
The author deals with the issue of emigration from a non-democratic in undemocratic states on the example of emigration from the former Czechoslovakia to West. The emigration during Cold War is analysed as a kind of individual choice of a not only rational actor, but also non-rational, who have to manage many obstacles to escape. This means that the emigration of Slovak and Czech refugees cannot be explained only by classical economic theories. For this reason the author is using push and pull paradigm as a suitable model. In contrast to classical theories by using this paradigm it will be explained the reasons of emigration, but there are also included physical, legislative and bureaucratic obstacles, as well as individual factors of emigrants.
Communication Today
|
2019
|
vol. 10
|
issue 2
58–73
EN
This study focuses on a bottom-up assessment of the refugee crisis. This transformative political and social crisis situation has stirred conflicting opinions about the ways in which EU countries should handle the refugee flow. The ‘Debating Europe’ platform has launched a debate upon the solutions that MEPs and EU citizens may provide in order to deter further border crossings. Using three dimensions of the circuit of civic culture, prognostic framing and legitimation strategies as theoretical frameworks, we intend to determine the degree of interaction among the e-debaters, the salience of prognostic frames and the co-occurrences of the (de)legitimation strategies that e-citizens employ in dealing with the refugee crisis. The findings show that despite the low interaction within this debate, e-citizens preferred to simply post their opinions about this crisis and to cast their online vote for the MEP’s solutions. The critical assessment of the refugee crisis revealed that while some e-citizens invoke a discourse of fear or of benevolence, others highlight the importance of contextualising the situation, making a plea for conditioned solidarity and exclusive integration.
20
75%
PL
Australijska polityka imigracyjna, szczególnie wobec uchodźców, oraz polityka wielokulturowości były często przywoływane w Europie jako pozytywny model, zwłaszcza przez zwolenników masowej imigracji i integracji nowo przybyłych w społeczeństwach przyjmujących. Jednak w ostatnich latach stanowisko Canberry wobec osób próbujących bez wiz dostać się na terytorium australijskie, by tam uzyskać status uchodźcy, wzbudza krytykę na świecie i w samej Australii. Zarazem, gdy Unia Europejska stanęła w obliczu fali niekontrolowanej migracji z Afryki i Azji, nie brakuje wezwań do przyjęcia australijskich rozwiązań. Trudno nie spostrzec, jak bardzo owe polemiki odzwierciedlają starcie różnych politycznych i ideologicznych perspektyw, a trafiające do polskiego czytelnika wypowiedzi są zwykle wyrwane z kontekstu. Dlatego poniższy tekst ma dwa cele: zarysowanie historii polityki australijskiej wobec uchodźców oraz wykazanie, że wprowadzone na przełomie wieku zmiany są raczej jej ewolucyjną kontynuacją niż radykalną zmianą.
EN
Australian immigration policy, particularly regarding refugees, along with multicultural policies were often hailed in Europe as a positive model, especially by advocates of mass immigration and the integration of newcomers in receiving societies. However, in recent years Canberra’s position on asylum seekers trying to reach the Australian territory without visas has provoked criticism in the world as well as in Australia. At the same time, when the European Union faces uncontrolled migration from Africa and Asia, there is no shortage of calls for an adoption of Australian solutions. On cannot but notice how much these polemics reflect the clash between different political and ideological perspectives, while voices on the topic which reach Polish-language readers are usually taken out of context. Therefore the text has two aims: to outline the history of Australian refugee policy and to show that the changes at the turn of the century are its evolutionary continuation rather than any radical change.
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