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1

Revolution and the Meaning of History. An Essay on the Myth of the Revolutionary Break and the 'Logic' of History in Historiographical Thought

100%
Tinkova D.
Dějiny - Teorie - Kritika (History - Theory - Criticism)
|
2004
|
vol. 1
|
issue 1
30-58
EN
The essay explores the interpretation of the French Revolution as symbolic break between 'traditional' and 'modern' society in 19th - and 20th-century historiography. The revolution, seen as a 'crossroads of history' by its participants at the time, whether supporters or opponents, forced thinkers to look for answers to the question of the direction, progress, continuity or discontinuity of the historical 'process'. I have tried to (re) construct several key interpretational schema that in turn were conditioned by political-ideological orientations. Basically there were four lines or 'stories' - conservative, liberal, republican and socialist. The 'conservative' version (from Burke to Gaxotti) rejected the revolution as a pathological phenomenon that deviated from the logic of the current of history. The liberal line more or less accepted the revolution, but only its first phase regarded as a revolution of freedom (1789-92), from which liberalism derived its own legitimacy; it rejected the 'democratic' phase of the revolution - the Terror - as a deviation from the logic of the (beneficial) revolution itself. Republican historiography emphasised and praised the initial phase of the First Republic (1792-95), in this way providing support for the legitimising foundation of the Third Republic. Socialist historiography (especially in the 20th century) encouraged favourable re-evaluation of the period of Jacobin dictatorship and thus provided a logical link between the French Revolution and the Soviet Revolution. The final section of the article is devoted to Francois Furet, one of several contemporary historians who have tried to interpret the revolution in a different way that cuts right across the political spectrum (with a mention of the fact that in recent years yet more alternative ways of bridging the classic ideological-political views of the revolution have emerged).
2

THE RUSSIA-WEST DILEMMA. TYPICAL ATTITUDES OF INTELLIGENTSIA TOWARDS PEASANTS IN THE 19th CENTURY

80%
Abassy M.
Slavia Orientalis
|
2008
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vol. 57
|
issue 1
23-46
EN
The Russian intelligentsia of the 19th century emerged as a result of Russo-Western confrontation. Dilemmas connected with the process of self-identication, of Russia as a country and of the intelligentsia as a new social group, focused in the intelligentsia's attitude towards peasants. The Decembrists wanted to give the way to the values that later were defined by Peter Chaadaev as fundamental for the Western culture: law, justice, obligation and order. Their heritage included an important question: how to make a peasant free avoiding bloodshed. In the occidentalists' thought masses were used as a tool in the process of individuation, understood as breaking the traditional, collective and, at the same time, patriarchal social model. Herzen's theory of 'Russian socialism' was an answer to the question posed by decembrism. The theory included the most clandestine dreams of the Russian intelligentsia: the desire to be free, the wish to regain roots and to find justification for undertaking the mission 'to save' Europe. Slavophiles created a utopia to prove that it was possible to combine freedom with the mentality of the Russian peasant. Besides, the thinkers portrayed the masses as a storehouse for Christian virtues and used it as a tool to negatively define the West. In the second half of the 19th century the intelligentsia differentiated. The most powerful utopia about the Russian peasant was created by Fyodor Dostoevsky. The writer-prophet portrayed the peasants as the opposite to the revolutionary intelligentsia. He did not notice, however, that they both were two sides of the same coin - a force forwarded against the stratum of nobility as the land owners and cultivators of culture. Moreover, they were characterized by the same features: hatred of European culture, inability to create real welfare, justice conceived as the collective sharing of goods, and lack of responsibility. The revolutions of 1905 and 1917 were the end of the intelligentsia which reflected the 'split' in its own Russian culture. In an effort to absorb both its own and foreign cultural elements it existed on the border of two systems and did not belong to neither of them.
3
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KONTROVERZIE OPERY MAI 68 VO FILOZOFICKÝCH KONTEXTOCH AKTUÁLNEJ OPERNEJ TVORBY

80%
Cseres J.
Slovenské divadlo (Slovak Theatre)
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2018
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vol. 66
|
issue 2
195 – 207
EN
In his paper, the author reveals the poetical controversies of the Mai 68 opera (2008) by Petr Kofroň, Zdenek Plachý and Jiří Šimáček as well as its controversial reception by Czech opera critics. Comparing the poetical principles of the mentioned authors with those applied in stage works by Morton Feldman, Martin Burlas and John Zorn, and arguing with the philosophical concepts of Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari and actual concepts of postmodern aesthetics, he outlines the poetical features of current opera production in the context of actual philosophical thought and intermedia aesthetics. In this broader framework, in spite of some defects in staging, he considers Mai 68 a very real and influential contribution to the opera world in Czech Republic and Slovakia, comparable with the contemporary opera works worldwide.
4

KANT'S REJECTION OF THE RIGHT OF REVOLUTION

80%
Azeri S.
Filozofia (Philosophy)
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2009
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vol. 64
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issue 6
592-603
EN
Kant's denial of right of revolution has bewildered many Kant's scholars. Kant sympathizes with French, American, and Irish revolutionaries. But in his 'Metaphysics of Morals' he rejects the right of revolution. Apparently, his stance represents a tension or a contradiction. Kant believes that a legitimate government should be based on the consent of the citizens. Thus, logically he is expected to affirm the right of citizens to disobedience. However, he also holds the view that citizens' moral obligation to obey the law is absolute. The author believes that Kant's rejection of the right of revolution does not represent a contradiction. Rather, it is the necessary consequence of Kant's metaphysics of subject and the notion of transcendental subjectivity.
5
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Z deníku rozzlobeného muže (Lev Tichomirov a první ruská revoluce)

80%
Vydra Z.
Slovanské historické studie (Slavonic Historical Studies)
|
2007
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vol. 32
237-250
EN
This article is focused on Lev Aleksandrovich Tikhomirov (1852-1923) and his reflections of the Russian revolution in 1904-1906. Once a famous revolutionary, a member of 'Narodnaya Volya', Tikhomirov changed his world-view and became an ardent supporter of autocracy and monarchy in the 1890's. He collaborated with the conservative newspaper 'Moskovskie Vedomosti', was a member of some rightists' organizations like 'Russkoe Sobranie' (Russian Assembly) after 1900 and partook the Congress of Russian People in 1906. Nonetheless he was not a typical 'black-hundred' (chernosotenets). In his diary, he was critical to the high bureaucracy including most of the ministers and even Nicholas II. He was deeply disappointed with the contemporary character of the Russian policy, because he was influenced by slavophilism and neoslavophilism and he was afraid of the future of Russian monarchy. Simultaneously, he refused the revolution like a 'non-Russian' revolution, some of his notes had xenophobic character (aimed mostly against the Jews and Poles). Last but not least, he was full of doubt about himself, about his chances to influence or to change the state policy.
6

Perspektyvy rozvytku maloho biznesu v Ukrayini v umovakh Chetvertoyi promyslovoyi revolyutsiyi z urakhuvannyam dosvidu YeS

80%
Chortok Y. V., Pimonenko T. V., Us Y. S.
Mekhanizm Rehuluvannya Economiky
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2016
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vol. 4(74)
138-144
EN
Gradual transition to the Fourth Industrial Revolution causes the emergence of new business forms. The article discusses the features of the Fourth Industrial Revolution as the driving force of the world economy and the economy of Ukraine. Possible directions of business development for the Ukrainian businessmen are offered Based on the assessment of the main trends of the world economic system development. After all, they most effectively adapt to changing conditions, being able to maneuver in the market. Analysis of small business features allowed to highlight the benefits of doing business in Europe, its disadvantages in Ukraine. Thus, according the survey results it can be stated on the formation of positive trends in the field of business development in Ukraine, in particular, the formation of an infrastructure of entrepreneurship support and development, simplification of registration procedures, improvement of relations with regulatory authorities and so on.
7

CEZ REVOLÚCIU K NOVÉMU SVETU – PODOBA UTÓPIE A JEJ VPLYVY NA DRAMATICKÚ ŠTRUKTÚRU V HRE NADČLOVEK (1928) OD JOZEFA ZÁVODNÉHO

80%
Lacová H.
Slovenská literatúra (Slovak Literature)
|
2022
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vol. 69
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issue 3
224 - 238
EN
The article presents an interpretation of Jozef Závodný’s (1899 – 1969) play Nadčlovek ([Overman] 1928). The dramatic text deals with the utopian topic of revolutionary change of the world through technological invention. In spite of the fact that the play was staged in 1928 by Slovak National Theatre in Bratislava, it remains largely forgotten. The article outlines the way in which Závodný’s text builds its dramatic dialogues and models its characters and plot. At the same time, the contribution aims at specifying utopian motifs the play employs and strives to show the ways in which these influence the dramatic structure. The author of the contribution also provides an overview of the possible sources of inspiration (avant-garde art, film, political theatre, socialist ideology, Christian concepts) that resulted in play’s employment of multiple textual strategies and the principle of hybridisation on multiple levels (genre, characters, plot). The play accentuates political and ideological messages and this has a significant bearing on the dramatic dialogue and the category of the dramatic persona. The characters in the play are reduced to promoters of political beliefs and dialogues are narrowed down to presenting the utopian vision and as such lose their dramatic potential.
8

Nieudana próba ustanowienia w Polsce systemu rządów sowieckich (lipiec–sierpień 1920 r.)

80%
Miodowski A.
Białostockie Teki Historyczne
|
2013
|
vol. 11
159-180
EN
The Social Democracy of the Kingdom of Poland and Lithuania (SDKPiL) and the Polish Socialist Party – Left (PPS Lewica) – as well as the party which originated as a merger of them – the Communist Workers’ Party of Poland (KPRP) – exposed the idea of revolutionary internationalism in their manifestos. In their programs these parties consequently evolved towards Bolsheviks’ policy of communism, which resulted in disregard for Polish aspirations of independence. Such geopolitical conceptions professed by the radical left led to its alienation on the Polish political arena. This alienation was reinforced by close cooperation of both circles with Russian Bolsheviks. It was clear to the majority of public opinion that all actions undertaken by Polish communists aimed to establish a Soviet government system in the territory on the Wisła river. Trying to fulfill this goal, the Communist Workers’ Party of Poland took some steps to prevent the formation of Polish military forces capable of opposing the Red Army, and, simultaneously, made preparations for installing a “proletarian government” on the ethnically Polish area.
9

TRIPTYCH ON AGEING OF A REVOLUTION (Tryptyk o starzejacej sie Rewolucji)

80%
Jedlicki J.
Przegląd Filozoficzno-Literacki
|
2009
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vol. 8
|
issue 4(25)
141-151
EN
The author discusses three books by Bronislaw Baczko: 'Comment sortir de la Terreur?: 'Thermidor et la Revolution' (Paris 1989), 'Job, mon ami: Promesses fatalité du bonheur et du mal' (Paris 1997) and 'Politiques de la Revolution française' (Paris 2008). He treats them as parts of a triptych on utopian ideas of the French Enlightenment and the tragic dilemmas of the Revolution. Baczko's approach is characterized by depth, precise interpretation of the sources, insight into the emotions and ways of thinking of acting individuals. The focus is on Termidor period, when France tries to recover after the trauma of Terror and end the Revolution.
10

Democracy in Sartre and in Our Times

70%
Kowalska M.
Przegląd Filozoficzny. Nowa Seria
|
2005
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vol. 14
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issue 4(56)
87-96
EN
There is strong contrast between Sartre's radical idea of democracy and the currently dominant, liberal and procedural concept of democracy. From our point of view Sartre looks now like a completely anachronistic author, or maybe a scandalous one. He not only rejected capitalism, but also despised the liberal political system, the Parliament and the idea of the 'rule of law'. Although it is tempting to write off his particular views in political philosophy as a consequence of his flirtation with communism, the authoress argues that his idea of democracy had deeper sources. It was rooted in his original philosophy of freedom conceived as negativity and spontaneity. Sartre had also moral reasons to condemn liberal democracy as 'false universality', which pushed him to postulate permanent revolution in the name of an utopian ideal of society based on 'true' freedom, 'real' equality, and 'sincere' brotherhood. The main question raised in the article is whether all Sartre's political ideas are outdated and dangerously radical. The authoress points out that it is not only possible but desirable to reintroduce them by way of a critical counterbalance in the prudent, and superficially wise conception of democracy, which continues complacently to ignore severe social problems by rejecting any proposals to view them squarely as 'scandalous' ideas, such as those that were associated with Sartre's name.
11

'COLOURED' REVOLUTION AS A POLITICAL PHENOMENON ('Koliorova' revolutsia yak politychnyi fenomen)

70%
Lane D.
Sotsiolohiia: teoriia, metody, marketyng (Sociology: Theory, Methods, Marketing)
|
2010
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issue 1
16-38
EN
The paper analyses different forms of political change from putsch to revolution and contends that the 'coloured revolutions' were revolutionary coup d'etats. Conditions promoting and retarding the success of such movements are discussed and cases of 'decremental relative deprivation' are discovered which predisposed the public to insurgency. Conditions for success involve a united and organized opposition with an alternative ideology and political policy. It is contended that counter elites when in power neither carry out revolutions nor further democratic development. An unintended consequence of democracy promotion is that autocratic regimes learn to counter it and in so doing weaken genuine civil society associations.
12

RÓZA LUXEMBURGOVÁ – KRITIKA REVIZIONIZMU, IMPERIALIZMU, MILITARIZMU

70%
Dinušová D.
Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy
|
2019
|
vol. 12
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issue 2
76 – 121
EN
The paper focuses on the historical-philosophical reflection on the work of Rosa Luxemburg, one of the most prominent figures in the history of social and political thought in the early 20th century. It highlights Luxemburg's theoretical and practical contribution to shaping history and outlines the specific context of political events that Rosa Luxemburg explained in her work and that inspired her to act. In terms of theoretical analysis, the paper deals with Luxemburg’s perspective on the critique of revisionism, imperialism and militarism, which form the basic aspects of her theoretical work.
13

MEDZINÁRODNÝ IMPERIALIZMUS ALEBO GLOBÁLNY KAPITALIZMUS?

70%
Dinušová D.
Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy
|
2013
|
vol. 6
|
issue 1
41 – 49
EN
The paper attempts to capture some of the aspects of global capitalism as a new stage of development of the capitalist socio-economic formation elaborated in the studies of W. I. Robinson, as put in contrast with V. I. Lenin’s theory of international imperialism. The presented analysis of their similarities and differences raises some fundamental questions about how to transform the existing social order. One of its key aspects in our view is the strategy of social change.
14

KONCEPT REVOLÚCIE V POLITICKOM MYSLENÍ RÓZY LUXEMBURGOVEJ

70%
Dinušová D.
Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy
|
2020
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vol. 13
|
issue 2
33 – 45
EN
The paper focuses on the interpretations of the concept of revolution in work of Rosa Luxemburg. It follows the basis of Luxemburg’s reflection on the revolution, their specific historical context and implications. The article outlines the controversy with revisionism, which, particularly in Luxemburg’s works, represents the first source of a theoretical grasp of the (socialist) revolution as a way of social change. Her conclusions and the methodological elaboration of the problem have been reflected in the evaluation of specific historical events (the Russian Revolution of 1905, the Great October Socialist Revolution of 1917 and the revolutionary events of November 1918 in Germany).
15
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Od empiryzmu zorientowanego na cele do racjonalności kooperacyjnej.Uwagi na temat projektu filozoficznego Nicholasa Maxwella

70%
Michalska A.
Zagadnienia Naukoznawstwa
|
2011
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vol. 47
|
issue 3(189)
305-323
EN
The paper examines the transition between Nicholas Maxwell’s philosophy of science, called Aim Oriented Empiricism (AOE), and the project of the revolution in the sciences and the arts advocated by him. The aim is to demonstrate that, contrary to what author seems to be convinced of, the former does not entail the latter. It is at the same time argued that the conception of science propounded by Maxwell has serious pragmatic consequences and marks out certain attitudes – AOE does indeed necessitate far-reaching institutional changes, yet these ought to be viewed as the results of rank-and-file initiatives and transformations as opposed to being construed as the upshot of attempted implementation of a philosophic design.
16

Innovatsionnyy potentsial Tret'yey promyshlennoy revolyutsii

70%
Melnyk L. H.
Mekhanizm Rehuluvannya Economiky
|
2016
|
vol. 1(71)
6-32
EN
The innovative potential of the Third Industrial Revolution (TIR), which is realized through trialectic interaction of three groups of system forming factors: material and energy, information, synergetic – is studied. Directions of transformational changes in each of these factors groups during the TIR are analysed. Environmental vector of the TIR innovations through formation of green economy («economy of spacemen») is shown. In particularly it allows to form closed cycles of resource use. Three basic groups of innovations that provided the TIR: transition to renewable energy sources; the development of digital technologies in the production and consumption spheres; netting socio-economic system – are presented. In material and energy groups they are: transition to renewable sources of resources; effective accumulation of energy; resources saving measures; use of new materials; dematerialization of economic processes, including transport; coming to dynamic forms of material assets. In information groups they are: research providing technical modernization; informatization of production, logistics and consumption; revolution in material treatment convergence in production and consumption. In synergetic groups they are: netting of production and consumption; creating the EnerNet; forming virtual enterprise; horizontal distributive networks; «cloud» technologies introduction.
17

VIKLEFOVY TEZE A JEJICH REVOLUČNÍ POTENCIÁL

70%
Šenovský J.
ARS
|
2018
|
vol. 51
|
issue 1-2
51 – 62
EN
This article focuses on John Wycliffe´s thought and aims at uncovering an inherent revolutionary potential of his philosophy. First, Wycliffe´s metaphysical realism that gave rise to a specific notion of truth based on the divine authority is examined. This notion is then developed into a belief that the Scripture is the absolute authority in the matters of truth. Therefore, Wycliffe considers the Biblical description of the First Church to be a measure for all other ages. However, the Church in Wycliffe´s time was far away from this ideal – thus he concludes that the present day Church needs to be reformed. Since even the Pope, the very head of the Church is corrupt, the reform must come from outside of the Church, namely from the King.
18

ČESKÁ A SLOVENSKÁ MĚSTA V LISTOPADU 1989

70%
Valeš L.
|
2023
|
vol. 71
|
issue 2
279 – 317
EN
The aim of this study is to analyse the course of the November Revolution in 1989 in the conditions of Czech and Slovak cities. It was the spread of the revolution beyond the two main cities – Prague and Bratislava – that was the key condition for its national success. It was important for the success of the revolution at the local level that the most socially important part of society – the workers – also opposed the communist regime, but also that in each city there was a potential group of citizens willing to overcome their fear and high level of risk and become civically engaged. The study is based on the already very large regional or national literature on the November 1989 events in Czech and Slovak cities, as well as on personal accounts of the actors of the revolutionary changes, which allows us to convey not only the course of November 1989, but also its atmosphere, including the general strike. The study also includes a reminder of the significance of the events of November 1989 for local historical memory and contemporary political identity.
19

FLORA TRISTÁN – SOCIALIZMUS A FEMINIZMUS

61%
Dinušová D.
Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy
|
2017
|
vol. 10
|
issue 2
67 – 89
EN
The paper provides an insight into the life and work of Flora Tristán, a French-Peruvian thinker of the 19th century. It focuses on her biography and analyses her work in relation to historical facts and to the present with the aim of critiquing Tristan's ideas and bringing them up to date. It focuses on the contingent nature of feminist and socialist social struggle. It questions the traditional family, education and the revolutionary and reform strategy of social change. Flora Tristán's feminist and socialist ideas are set in a wider framework of the evolution of these social struggles. It points to the progressive (united organization of the proletariat, interdependent gender and working-class emancipation), and regressive (parliamentary representation, reform) aspects of Tristán's reasoning.
20

THE INTELLECTUAL IN REVOLUTION (Intelektualista (w) rewolucji)

61%
Cwikla P.
Studia Socjologiczne
|
2009
|
issue 2(193)
55-76
EN
The author tries to examine the social role of an intellectual in days of revolution. The author focuses on the meaning of an idea - an abstraction, which begins to have an impact on reality, transforming itself into ideology and creating ideologists. The problem is illustrated by biography of Camille Desmoulins, one of the main figures of French Revolution. The author also pays attention to possibility of using elements of sociological theory in order to interpret the revolutionary intellectual's motivations and aims. Florian Znaniecki's categories as put forth in 'Spoleczne role uczonych' as well as Alexis de Tocqueville's reflections regarding relationships between politics and ideologically engaged literature and journalism are also employed.
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