Search results - CEJSH

1

Druhá avantgarda v rusku jako prvotní impulz

100%

Glanc T.

Česká literatura (Czech Literature)

|

2008

|

vol. 56

|

issue 5

695-703

EN

A contribution from the conference 'The Second Avant-garde' (part of the grant-funded project 'The Myths, Language, and Taboos of the Czech Post-Avant-garde from the Forties to the Sixties'), which was held on 23 October 2007. The article considers the Avant-garde in Russia in the second half of the twentieth century. It discusses relations between members of the Avant-garde in Russia and in Czechoslovakia, and their mutual impact, and uses many examples in an attempt to explain the special features of the Russian Avant-garde.

2

Tradice a modernizace v meziválečném Rusku (úvaha)

100%

Reiman M.

Slovanské historické studie (Slavonic Historical Studies)

|

2006

|

issue Sp. Ed.

145-153

EN

Modern Russia can be included in a group of countries of the so-called catching-up type. Russia's communication with Europe was conditioned by its position as a great power, what depended on its ability to accomplish the process of modernisation. During the 19th century the nature of modernising processes in Europe had changed. Russia was loosing its status and power, what culminated in the First World War and the revolutionary events of 1917. The fundamental result of 1917 and the ensuing civil war was the destruction of the old Russian state and social system as a whole.

3

Adlerbergowie w Rosji w XVIII-XX w.

100%

Bogdanow S.

Rocznik Lubelskiego Towarzystwa Genealogicznego

|

2012

|

vol. 4

208-229

EN

The article presents the history of a Swedish gentry family Adlerberg. The analysis of the family genealogy was based on rich source materials: archival sources stored in Russian National Historical Archive in Sankt Petersburg, printed sources and available German and Russian field literature. The author presents the history of Adlerbergs from the very beginnings, i.e. from the times of service for the Swedish kings, through the confirmation of their nobilitation by the Russian rulers, until the moment of the fall of the Romanov empire. Adlerbergs, as many similar gentry families of Swedish origin inhabiting Livonia, took various positions in the Russian army or in different offices of general and specialised administration. The presence of Adlerbergs could also be noticed in the area of Congress Poland of unifying era. The family inscribes into the landscape of the gentry world of the 18th and 19th century Russia.

4

Historické a současné determinanty ovlivňující sociálně ekonomický vývoj Ruska

100%

Litera B.

Slovanské historické studie (Slavonic Historical Studies)

|

2006

|

issue Sp. Ed.

155-171

EN

This study attempts to monitor the relationship and interconnection between traditions and modernity in the post-war Soviet Union. To the Bolshevik elite, victory in the Second World War 'confirmed' the validity of the already classic Stalinist industrialisation and economic system established in the 30s. Its re-establishment therefore took place without regard for any weak indicators of partial modernising visions that were partly put into effect later, in the spirit of the traditional model. Especially Khrushchev was evidently aware of the necessity of modernisation; however, specific reforms remained fully within the framework of the traditional system. A significant innovation was undoubtedly the increased attention devoted to social matters, increasing the population's low standard of living, among other things. After his removal, a discussion about economic problems and reforms led to the so-called Kosygin's reforms. At the turn of the 70s, highly conservative Brezhnevism, which blocked any kind of change, asserted itself. Attention was then devoted to the relationship between both phenomena during the Gorbachev era, especially in the case of the law about state enterprises.

5

RECEPTION OF JOHAN HUIZINGA IN THE USSR WITH A SPECIAL FOCUS ON YURI LOTMAN

80%

Sidorova O.

World Literature Studies

|

2017

|

vol. 9

|

issue 1

101 – 109

EN

The article is devoted to Johan Huizinga’s reception in the USSR and in Russia. Though his works were translated into Russian only at the end of the 20th century, his ideas had been known to Soviet scholars and discussed by them before the translations appeared – works by Sergey Averintsev, Leonid Batkin, Gayane Tavrizyan are referred to. Yuri Lotman, a famous philologist and semiotician, studied the West European impact on Russian cultural development. Huizinga’s context of his works is a complex system that includes references, allusions, common topics and characters, as well as some common sources. The most obvious correlations of themes and ideas that are discussed in the article are the play elements of culture and the everyday life phenomenon which are disclosed and studied by the two scholars, though from different methodological standpoints. Different correlations are also mentioned, but not studied in detail.

6

'LITERARY POLICY' OF RUSSIAN FOREIGN CENSORSHIP IN 1865-1904 ('Polityka literacka' rosyjskiej cenzury zagranicznej w latach 1865-1904)

80%

Kostecki J.

Klio. Czasopismo poświęcone dziejom Polski i powszechnym

|

2011

|

issue 2(17)

55-69

EN

Almost 4500 new literary publications in Polish (counting by titles) had been tried to bring in to Empire in 1865-1904. The foreign censorship banned from circulation almost 1400 of these books - in a whole or in a part. These books were treated more lenient than others - because in 1872-1904 the censors prohibited only 29,7% of them, when nonfictional publications - 40,5%. The literary works were more rarely than others banned in a whole. The censorship policy towards imported belles-lettres became slowly less repressive, in spite that it had been changing: during 70. had occurred to be moderate, using various bans conditional upon subject; late 80. and the beginning of 90. it was a period of the strongest repressions, but the second half of 90. and the beginning of XX century it was quite successful time for belle- lettre import. The censorship hit books of Polish authors in the most severe way (which consisted of 3/4 of all banned imported works), particularly directed to the people or to the general public or imported for the first time since they were published and didn't belong to any book series. The most banned author was Slowacki and next: Lenartowicz, Krasinski, Urbanski, Poeche, Sienkiewicz (mainly versions adapted for children), Milkowski (T.T. Jez), Wilkonska, Przybyszewski, Abgarowicz, Rogosz, Zacharjasiewicz, Kasprowicz, Chociszewski, Tetmajer, Tuczynski, Mickiewicz, Asnyk, Wyspianski, W.Belza, Przyborowski i Konopnicka.

7

PRINCIPLE OF NATIONAL SELF-DETERMINATION IN RUSSIAN POLICY

80%

Kiľdeyev M.

Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy

|

2009

|

vol. 2

|

issue 1

62 – 69

EN

The article is focused on the problems of reforming the federal structure of the Russian Federation. The article shows that the gradual elimination of the system of national autonomous violates the inalienable rights of national minorities in Russia, reflected in the Constitution, first of all – the right to national self-determination. Only on territories of national autonomies is guaranteed the minimal protection of national minorities´ s rights.

8

SCENÁRE VYÚSTENIA RUSKO-UKRAJINSKEJ VOJNY: DOPADY NA EURÓPSKU BEZPEČNOSŤ A MEDZINÁRODNÉ VZŤAHY

80%

Duleba A.

Annales Scientia Politica

|

2022

|

vol. 11

|

issue 2

63 - 82

EN

This article offers an analysis of the scenarios of outcome of the Russia-Ukraine war and their impact on European security. The basis of each scenario is a definition of the interests of both Russia and Ukraine in this war, a hypothetical description of the assumptions of their fulfilment (full success of one or the other country in the war or partial success) and, at the same time, the expected impact of the full or partial success of one or the other country, i.e., direct actors of the war, on the international order. The scenario analysis is based on an examination of the course of fighting in the period from the beginning of the Russian invasion on the 24th February (until the end of November) to identify the degree of probability of the fulfilment of each scenario.

9

Źródła i konteksty separatyzmu w Donbasie

80%

Gil A.

Studia Europejskie-Studies in European Affairs

|

2015

|

issue 4

119-134

EN

This article deals with the sources and contexts of Donbas separatism. This phenomenon has its roots in the history of this region. Adjusted, especially in the second half of the twentieth century, local identity, drifting more towards a transnational consciousness, which can be called industry (professional) or nostalgic (post-Soviet). While, there is a trace Ukrainian identity (in the sense of national).

10

Aféra generála O.- Limana von Sanders ve vztazích carského Ruska a císařského Německa (listopad 1913 – leden 1914)

80%

Proks P.

Slovanské historické studie (Slavonic Historical Studies)

|

2007

|

vol. 32

251-258

EN

Before of the First World War Triple Alliance and Entente rivalled for influence onto Turkey. For all Russia observed with unbelief of increase position German officers into Turkey army. Russian endurance 'overflow' in the fall of new chief of German military mission of general O. Liman von Sanders in November 1913. Russia asked for energetic action against German military mission in common with Paris and London. France and Britain did not want risk of war and promised diplomatic support only. London initiated diplomatic action for peaceful compromise and in common with others powers procured of constringency of German military mission out from Turkey in January 1914. This affair pointed dangerously of suspicion between powers, for all between Russia and Germany, in eve of the First World War.

11

Ruský gosudar a zlo v ruském politickém myšlení přelomu 15. a 16. století

80%

Bocek P.

Slovanské historické studie (Slavonic Historical Studies)

|

2007

|

vol. 32

199-210

EN

After the definitive overthrow of a Tartar yoke, the ruler ascending to the throne of will of the Mongolian khans was becoming a self-confident 'gosudar i samoderzavec vseja Ruskija zemli'. In conjunction with this transformation he was becoming responsible to the God for all his empire. Consequently, from the perspective of the earth-bound course of events, the 'gosudar i samoderzavec vseja Ruskija zemli' stood over the law and the way of interpreting and observing the commandment was up to him. The ruler himself was deciding what he will or will not consider being evil and what will be his contingent attitude towards it. The only lawful possibility to influence his acts is to draw the grand prince's attention to the danger that should be avoided in his acts and from which he should protect his liege people, to not to destroy himself and his empire. Josif Sanin chose this possibility. It was up to the grand price (since the 1547 the tsar) himself to decide how to dispose of a responsibility that Sanin and his successors put on his shoulders; he was also the one who made the decision if he would become a bearer of evil or if he would be able to protect his liege people.

12

RUSSIAN- GERMAN NORTH GAS PIPELINE IN THE VIEW OF PUBLIC INTERNATIONAL LAW

80%

Gawlowicz I., Laski P.

Polish Yearbook of International Law

|

2008

|

vol. 28

149-162

EN

The authors analyze - from the perspective of public international law, Polish law, and the interests of the international society - the problems posed by the construction of the North European Gas Pipeline. In this context, the article argues that Poland is a reliable and stable partner and that it is also in Russia's interest to build a gas pipeline running through the land of the Republic of Poland. The article also submits that it is a diplomatic challenge for Poland to persuade the international community that actions connected with the construction of the gas pipeline are not based on economic grounds. It is in Poland's economic and political interest to face up to this challenge, despite the fact that Russia does not have a rich tradition in soft diplomatic actions. The article also notes that the problems associated with the gas pipeline are not confined to the legal sphere alone. Politics are involved, and politics and the law are strongly connected with one another and the boundaries between them sometimes get blurred.

13

Konfliktní spojenectví: vztahy Ruska, Evropské unie a tranzitních zemí v energetice.

80%

Litera B.

Slovanský přehled: historická revue pro dějiny střední, východní a jihovýchodní Evropy (Slavonic Review: Review for Central, Eastern and Southeastern European history)

|

2010

|

vol. 96

|

issue 1-2

67-85

EN

The study analyses a complex of complicated relations between the EU and Russia in power engineering. It emphasizes the high level of their mutual dependency. The EU depends on import of Russian natural gas and the entire Russian financial sphere depends on payments for energy materials exported to the EU. It traces the main problems of their mutual relations involving the Energy Charter and an effort to lessen their mutual dependence by diversification of energy material suppliers (the EU) and new export routes (Russia). The study accentuates lasting problems arising from the necessity to transit energy materials through third countries - mainly the Ukraine and Belorussia.

14

Economic relations between Russia and the expanded European Union. Rapprochement impeded by disputes

80%

Ludvig Z.

Kozgazdasagi Szemle (Economic Review)

|

2004

|

vol. 51

|

issue 9

849-869

EN

Hungary's EU accession in May 2004 has made it part of a multifarious system of relations taking shape between the European Union and Russia, with the economic strands, like the political ones, assuming ever more importance. The EU was Russia's most important economic partner even before the enlargement, while for the EU, Russia has importance primarily (and increasingly since the enlargement) as an energy supplier. The appreciating value of the system of relations understandably raises the question of the optimum institutional frameworks, especially commercial forms. A key role will be played by Russia's impending WTO membership. However, the new members will presumably bring new problems as well as new opportunities into the existing dialogue between the EU and Russia.

15

Niemiecka Russlandpolitik na rozdrożu? Ewolucja polityki RFN wobec Rosji

80%

Żerko S.

Colloquium Wydziału Nauk Humanistycznych i Społecznych AMW

|

2013

|

issue 4

57-78

EN

The author is analyzing the policy of Germany towards Russia after the year 1991 and the efforts of the German side to keep the best relations with Moscow. The apogee in this respect was the government of Gerhard Schröder (SPD). The taking over of the go vernment by Angela Merkel (CDU) in 2005 slightly changed the assumptions of the German policy towards Russia, because the pro-Russian SPD was still part of the ruling coalition. In the years between 2009 and 2013, when the ruling coalition consisted of the CDU/CSU and the FDP, Germany-Russia relations worsened because of the aggressive policy of Moscow. It was even spoken of an “ice age” in these relationships, which in the author’s opinion was considerable exaggeration. The foundation of a new Great Coalition (of the CDU and the SPD) makes us suppose, that the policy of Berlin towards Moscow is going to be more lenient, than in the past years.

16

Problematika, struktura a mechanismus zásobování československých legionářů v Rusku 1918–1920

80%

Vacha D.

Slovanský přehled: historická revue pro dějiny střední, východní a jihovýchodní Evropy (Slavonic Review: Review for Central, Eastern and Southeastern European history)

|

2008

|

vol. 94

|

issue 2

189-208

EN

The essay comments on the messing of Czechoslovak legionaries in Russia between 1918 and 1920 from several points of view. Except for outlining the mechanism of supplies, space is given to the legionaries' attitudes to the mess. It shows the elaborate complex of gastronomic experience, which the volunteers acquired in Russia and on their way home at world seas and oceans. The most important resources come from diaries, contemporary documents and from legionaries' own autobiographies.

17

Z deníku rozzlobeného muže (Lev Tichomirov a první ruská revoluce)

80%

Vydra Z.

Slovanské historické studie (Slavonic Historical Studies)

|

2007

|

vol. 32

237-250

EN

This article is focused on Lev Aleksandrovich Tikhomirov (1852-1923) and his reflections of the Russian revolution in 1904-1906. Once a famous revolutionary, a member of 'Narodnaya Volya', Tikhomirov changed his world-view and became an ardent supporter of autocracy and monarchy in the 1890's. He collaborated with the conservative newspaper 'Moskovskie Vedomosti', was a member of some rightists' organizations like 'Russkoe Sobranie' (Russian Assembly) after 1900 and partook the Congress of Russian People in 1906. Nonetheless he was not a typical 'black-hundred' (chernosotenets). In his diary, he was critical to the high bureaucracy including most of the ministers and even Nicholas II. He was deeply disappointed with the contemporary character of the Russian policy, because he was influenced by slavophilism and neoslavophilism and he was afraid of the future of Russian monarchy. Simultaneously, he refused the revolution like a 'non-Russian' revolution, some of his notes had xenophobic character (aimed mostly against the Jews and Poles). Last but not least, he was full of doubt about himself, about his chances to influence or to change the state policy.

18

VOJNA A POLITIKA: POLITICKÉ SÚVISLOSTI BITKY PRI ZBOROVE (2. JÚLA 1917)

80%

Vrábel F.

Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy

|

2017

|

vol. 10

|

issue 2

48 – 66

EN

The Battle of Zborov of the 2nd July 1917 was the first joint operation of the Czechoslovak Volunteer Army in Russia - the Czechoslovak Shooting Brigade, which formed the basis of the Russian Legion. Although compared to other major combats on the western, eastern and southern fronts, this battle does not rank among the most influential battles in the military history of the First World War, it was of crucial importance in terms of forming the Czechoslovak Legions, or in terms of political assertion of the authority of the Czechoslovak resistance led by T.G. Masaryk, M. R. Štefánik and E. Beneš. This facilitated the formation of the Czechoslovak volunteer troops in Russia. Gradually, the Czechoslovak Army Corps, as well as the first regiments of the French Legion, and ultimately the Italian Legion in the west, came into being. From a political point of view, the Battle of Zborov proved to the allies that the Czechs and the Slovaks were able to fight for their freedom and for the creation of a common state with arms in their hands, and were even willing to sacrifice their lives in the struggle against the Central Powers. In the years of the first Czechoslovak Republic (1918 - 1938), the battle of Zborov became the basis of the fighting traditions of the Czechoslovak Army. However, following the German occupation of the Czech lands, and especially later, after the February of 1948, due to the victory of the Communist regime, these traditions were politically suppressed, their importance being largely pushed into the background through emphasizing the struggle at the Battle of Dukla Pass in autumn 1944. The grave of an unknown soldier from Zborov at the Old Town Hall in Prague was destroyed by the Germans and, following the liberation of the country, was replaced by the tomb of an unknown soldier from the Battle of Dukla Pass. It was only after 1989 that the Zborov Battle and its heroes were once again restored to their former glory and were returned their status in the history of the Slovaks and the Czechs in the struggle for freedom and for their own statehood.

19

Krótki kurs historii modernizmu w prawie radzieckim

80%

Lityński A.

Z Dziejów Prawa

|

2012

|

vol. 5(13)

121-138

EN

The Bolsheviks had revolutionary conceptions of creating a revolutionary law, totally differ- ent than the bourgeois law. The revolutionary law was to exist only in the temporary period on the way to communism. According to Marks’ and Lenin’s conception, the country and law were to vanish completely in communism. Revolutionary conceptions and revolutionary law started to get civilised and closer to European solutions in the half of the 1930s. Paradoxically, a gradual civilization of the revolutionary law started in the period of the biggest Stalin’s terror. The reality and law norm were divergent to the greatest extent.

20

ZNOVUZROZENÍ TRAGÉDIE V RUSKÉM SYMBOLISMU

80%

Svatoň V.

World Literature Studies

|

2012

|

vol. 4 (21)

|

issue 1

25 – 42

EN

The inspiration for this essay was the desire to understand the renewed interest in the genre of the ancient tragedy in the Russian symbolism: several poets felt the currency of ancient drama not only as a source of theme, but also of literary (or stage) form. It is interesting that this influence is most evident in the work of the lyric poet Innokentii Annensky. The re-birth of the tragedy emerges from the place of this form in the European spiritual life: the core of the tragedy is the departure point of the European ontology and ethics – the relationship of the unique entity and the whole, in which the entity is submerged. The individual entity is in the European thinking not passively subjected to the super-personal whole, but proclaims its own initiative, while being at the same time involved in relationships whose nature it cannot know. The conflict arises from the fact that the whole, “the destiny”, is not an alien force, but integral part of the entity itself, which is thus unable to grasp it. The understanding of the super-personal force has undergone a development: while earlier it was understood metaphysically as an irreversible moral law, later it was seen as a “world order” and in the epoch of symbolism as a cosmic chaos that the individual must face, no matter what. The role of the chorus, scenes with satyrs and lyrical declamation suggested images of a world full of contradictions, ruled over by cosmic powers. It is significant that only one tragedy by Annensky, “Thamyris Kitharóds”, was stage produced – in Alexander Tairov Theatre.

Refine search results