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EN
In the autumn of 2019 passed the 16 ish public space journalist in exile in London. Born in Lvov in 1909, educated in Warsaw th anniversary and abroad, she was a great erudite, fond of reading and writing. Her creative accomplishments, literary, journalistic and organizational activity is the foundation of the cultural life andscape of Polish diaspora abroad. She belonged to the generation „invincible”, formed in the interwar period, gained her journalist Polish in the editorial staz of „Ivy”, „ABC”, „Warsaw Evening” and „Straight in the Eyes”. A collaborator of the Polish émigré magazines i the UK: Mieczysław Grydzewski’s „News” (editor-in-chief in the years 1974 to 1981), „General Overview”, „White Eagle”, „Pulse”, „Literary Memoirs,” „Polish Diary and Soldier’s Diary” with its addendum – „Polish Week”, Parisian „Culture”. The author, among others, of books: I live in London; From Herbert to Herbert. je „News” Award 1958–1990; I write yo as I see you; Ancestors Gallery and Friends and acquaintances. She was a permanent collaborator of the Radio Free Europe. In 1994 she gave the „News” archive to the University Library in Torun.
EN
The key research issue of this study is to find an answer to the question of how Poznań Radio and the Polish Section of Radio Free Europe covered the events that took place on the streets of Poznań in June 1956. The author’s intention was to indicate the differences in the interpretation of the same events that were seen from different points of view, determined by political considerations. In 1956, the Poznań Broadcasting Station of Polish Radio acted as a propaganda station supervised by the communist authorities, whilst the Polish Section of Radio Free Europe (RFE), broadcasting from Munich and financed by the Congress of the United States of America, maintained standards of objective coverage in describing the above-mentioned events to the listeners, despite its clear political line. In the author’s opinion, RFE, a kind of a “substitute” radio station, took over the factual informative role of the state regional radio station when reporting on these events
PL
Kluczowym problemem badawczym tego opracowania jest znalezienie odpowiedzi na pytanie, w jaki sposób Poznańskie Radio oraz Rozgłośnia Polska Radia Wolna Europa relacjonowały wydarzenia, które miały miejsce na ulicach Poznania w czerwcu 1956 roku. Zamiarem autora było wykazanie różnic w interpretacji tych samych wydarzeń, które podyktowane zostały punktami widzenia, zdeterminowanymi poprzez uwarunkowania polityczne. W 1956 roku Poznańska Rozgłośnia Polskiego Radia pełniła rolę propagandowej stacji, nadzorowanej przez władzę komunistyczną, podczas gdy nadająca z Monachium Rozgłośnia Polska Radia Wolna Europa, finansowana przez Kongres Stanów Zjednoczonych Ameryki, mimo swojej wyraźnej, politycznej linii programowej zachowywała standardy obiektywnego informowania słuchaczy. Zdaniem autora RWE jako rozgłośnia „substytucyjna”, relacjonując te wydarzenia, przejęła faktyczną rolę informacyjną krajowej rozgłośni regionalnej, której ta nie mogła pełnić.
EN
Kazimierz Sowiński started working on the idea of the magazine „Pamiętnik Literacki” in London in 1974 as a „reference book” to document the cultural and literary life of the Polish diaspora. There was a desperate need to register and collect in one publication, facts, literary events, awards, institutions, as well as to print essays about poetry and prose. „Pamiętnik Literacki” was preceded by the correspondence of its editor with Polish writers from all over the world. Kazimierz Sowiński was the right person to ensure the success of „Pamiętnik Literacki” because he gathered vast experience and knowledge throughout his life. Before Second World War he published his first poetry and novels, collaborating with well-known magazines in Warsaw and Lodz, he worked in Polish Radio, and made many public appearances. He had a very good record as a patriot during the war, and between 1952–1973 he was employed by Radio Free Europe in Munich, and was later elected as Chairman of Związek Pisarzy Polskich na Obczyźnie (e Union of Polish Writers Abroad). He never completed the magazine „Pamiętnik Literacki”, because he had a stroke which let him paralysed. Its rst edition was printed in 1976 as an annual magazine and now the review comes out twice a year. Kazimierz Sowiński – poet, playwright, editor and journalist, died in Mabledon Hospital in 1982.
EN
In accord with recent scholarly appeals, this article advocates a certain intellectual tolerance and modesty in regard to the juxtaposition of conflicting or even supposedly rival approaches to questions of epistemology and truth. By rejecting the idea of a fixed epistemological standpoint and by moving the reader along a multiplicity of frames and truth situations, the author argues that if the post-truth problematic can teach us anything new about truth, it is the necessity to (re-)acknowledge that there is no omniscient position for the scholar and that none of our scholarly approaches taken separately enable us to grasp the totality. Hence, truth is investigated in this article as a variable shaping and being shaped by a highly dynamic and uncertain social reality – a reality that is neither constituted of “hard facts” nor of a “soft relativism” alone. From a consideration of the selected Cold War context and the laboratory-like setting of the American broadcaster Radio Free Europe, it can be concluded that a new media-archaeology of the fact requires not only a revision of our understanding of truth but of agency, rationality, and objectivity as well.
PL
This article is both a thread and a complementation of the issues surrounding programmes of Aleksander Bregman entitled “Kaleidoscope”, broadcast in 1960–1966 by the Munich–based station of Radio Free Europe. The overall subject of the programmes, as well as the precise delineation of relations between politics and media and society have been undertaken in separate papers; however, the course and evaluation of the integration process of the old continent’s western part in Bregman’s commentaries, deserves an individual consideration. Several reasons dictate that it should be so. Primarily, the complexity of this subject matter should be emphasised. The author of “Kaleidoscope” perceived the unification of Western Europe in several aspects, therefore the structure of the text should incorporate, albeit setting it apart, Bregman’s personal and subjective impressions, associated with his stay in Brussels and the observation of Union institutions at work. These were delivered to the listeners in a series of special programmes in the shape of objective accounts, which explained formal decisions taken by governing bodies of individual states. At the time, Bregman lived in London, therefore the attitudes of the government and society of Great Britain occupied a particular place in his programmes, as did the assessment of the Whitehall’s standpoint and decisions among the member states.“Kaleidoscope” was typified by a tremendously broad thematic scope in terms of issues addressed by the author. One of the most important among those which interested him was the aforementioned issue of the run of integration processes in the early 1960s, with particular emphasis on the initial solicitation and accession talks of the Brits with the states of “the six”. This thread, being the chief subject of this paper, is nevertheless extended to include the standpoint of other member of the British Commonwealth on Britain’s attempts do join the Common Market. Also, the then situation within the Commonwealth as well as the further expediency of its existence has been analysed. The commentaries of A. Bregman concerning the general operation of the authorities in Brussels, have been discussed separately.
EN
The military intervention of the Soviet Troops which started on 4th November the so-called Imre Nagy group was given the possibility of asylum at the Yugoslavian Embassy. Janos Kádár annulled the agreement with the Yugoslavians, and demanded that Imre Nagy and his group to be turned over to the Hungarian Government by the Embassy. The Kádár government’s spokesman informed the public on November 23 that Imre Nagy and his colleagues had gone to Romania. The Imre Nagy government and Imre Nagy himself committed an unforgivable crime against the Hungarian people. The Radio Free Europe, Imre Mikes reported: at the end of the notice a comment by the Special Committee of the People’s Court of Supreme Court was quoted: “...the Committee found the accused guilty and sentenced Imre Nagy, Pál Maléter, dr József Szilágyi, and Miklós Gimes to death, Ferenc Donáth to 12 years, Zoltán Tildy to 6 years, Ferenc Jánosi to 3 years, Miklós Vásárhelyi to 5 years imprisonment, and Sándor Kopácsi to life imprisonment”. The judgement is definitive. The death sentences have been carried out.
EN
This study focuses on selected aspects of media involvement and the publishing activities of Czechoslovak exiles in the West in the years 1968–1989. Based on archival research, this text refutes some traditional misconceptions and in terms of facts and interpretation it makes the state of current research, relating to economic and operating-technical issues of the exile media operation in particular, more precise.
EN
The life of Tadeusz Żenczykowski-Zawadzki was so full that it could be lived by more than one person. Karolina Trzeskowska’s book presents this outstanding politician, conspirator and publicist against the background of the 20th-century history of Poland, marked by the aggression and occupation of Polish lands by Germany and the USSR. Żenczykowski-Zawadzki, subordinating his life to the service to the country, wrote the honorable page in the history as a soldier, a politician, and finally a journalist and an activist in exile. In the latter role, he defended the good name of the Polish Underground State and the Home Army discredited by the communists.
PL
Istotnym elementem dorobku publicystycznego Adama Ciołkosza jest jego spuścizna epistolograficzna, która liczy kilka tysięcy listów. Szczególne miejsce zajmuje w niej korespondencja z Janem Nowakiem-Jeziorańskim prowadzona w latach 1946–1975, licząca 269 listów. Ciołkosz był jednym z najważniejszych publicystów politycznych Rozgłośni Polskiej RWE, szczególnie cenionym przez Nowaka. Korespondencja daje wiele dowodów na to, jak ważne miejsce zajmował na mapie sojuszników i przyjaciół Nowaka.
EN
A significant element of Ciołkosz’s journalistic achievement is his epistolographic legacy, which comprises of several thousand letters. This includes correspondence – 269 letters – with Jan Nowak-Jeziorański, from the years 1946–1975. Ciołkosz was one of the most prominent political publicists of the Polish service of RFE, particularly valued by NowakJeziorański. The correspondence provides significant evidence that Ciołkosz was one of the biggest friends and allies of Nowak-Jeziorański.
PL
"Od miesiąca maja 1967 r. rozpocząłem systematycznie słuchać audycji Radia Wolna Europa, a nieraz i BBC. Audycje te były zagłuszane w Polsce, tym niemniej przy odpowiednim manipulowaniu gałką aparatu można było wysłuchać większości wiadomościpodawanych przez te radiostacje. Do celu słuchania radia wyznaczyłem w mieszkaniu pokój środkowy, niegraniczący ze ścianami sąsiedniego mieszkania. Wprawdzie nasi sąsiedzi również słuchali audycji tych radiostacji, ale nie musieli wiedzieć, że i ja to robię.Aparat radiowy stał na podłodze na materacu. Nad nim stał stół. Również dwa boki stołu były obłożone materacami, by głos z radia nie przedostał się w niepożądane uszy. Normalnie nie miałem co wieczór możliwości wysłuchania zagranicznych radiostacji [...]".
EN
Wacław Alfred Zbyszewski (1903 - 1985) began his literary career in 1923 as one of the youngest publicists in the Second Polish Republic. Following the outbreak of World War II, he found himself in exile in London, then in Germany, and at the end of his life in Paris. During almost fifty years of his activity as a collaborator of the most important Polish information and opinion-forming outlets: "Dziennik Polski", the weekly "Wiadomości", the monthly "Kultura"and the Polish Section of Radio Free Europe, he became one of the most interesting and popular journalists. This article is an attempt to answer the question of how such a long journalistic activity was evaluated by the most prominent figures of the Polish culture on emigration, including Zbyszewski’s superiors and editorial colleagues, and what was their attitude towards Wacław Zbyszewski himself. In order to do so, the article collects and discusses memoirs devoted to Wacław Zbyszewski and the activities of the institutions he was associated with during World War II and the Cold War. Among the authors of the source materials used in the article are Stefania Kossowska, Maria Danilewiczowa and Jerzy Giedroyc. 
PL
Wacław Alfred Zbyszewski (1903 – 1985) karierę literacką rozpoczął w roku 1923 jako jeden z najmłodszych publicystów w II Rzeczpospolitej. W wyniku wybuchu II Wojny Światowej znalazł się na emigracji w Londynie, następnie w Niemczech, a pod koniec życia w Paryżu. W ciągu niemal pięćdziesięciu lat działalności jako współpracownik najważniejszych polskich organów informacyjnych i opiniotwórczych: „Dziennika Polskiego”, tygodnika „Wiadomości”, miesięcznika „Kultura”oraz Sekcji Polskiej Radia Wolna Europa,  zdobył pozycję jednego z najciekawszych i najpopularniejszych dziennikarzy.  Niniejszy artykuł jest próbą odpowiedzi na pytanie jak tę wieloletnią dziennikarską aktywność oceniali twórcy emigracyjnej kultury w tym zwierzchnicy oraz redakcyjni koledzy oraz jaki był ich stosunek do samego Wacława Zbyszewskiego. W celu przybliżenia wspomnianych kwestii w artykule zebrane i omówione zostały teksty wspomnieniowe poświęcone Wacławowi Zbyszewskiemu jak i działalności instytucji z którymi był związany w okresie II Wojny Światowej i Zimnej Wojny. Wśród autorów wykorzystanych materiałów źródłowych wymienić można m. in. Stefanię Kossowską, Marię Danilewiczową czy Jerzego Giedroyca.
Tematy i Konteksty
|
2018
|
vol. 13
|
issue 8
364-378
EN
The article presents the profile of one of the forgotten and underestimated writers of Polish emigration after 1939 – Wojciech Gniatczyński. The intricate history of his life is the story of a man marked by the stigma of war and the traumatic experiences of a concentration camp, and an emigrant with unfulfilled ambitions, who disappeared into the shadows of his more combatived colleagues. Discussed briefly essay writing of Gniatczyński shows him unusual erudition and a writing workshop with great artistic, aesthetic and cognitive qualities. It gives the possibility of various interpretations and urges to multifaceted research, clearly indicating that Wojciech Gniatczyński is worth rediscover today.
PL
Od 1974 r. sowiecki Komitet Bezpieczeństwa Państwowego (KGB) zaczął przekazywać służbom bezpieczeństwa z innych krajów bloku wschodniego roczne lub półroczne raporty pt. "Tendencje dotyczące taktyki wywrotowych działań ideologicznych wroga przeciw ZSRR". Raporty skupiały się na rzeczywistych lub domniemanych działaniach USA, a także Chin, krajów islamskich i zagranicznych organizacji mających na celu wzmacnianie opozycji politycznej w ZSRR. Raporty w połączeniu z odbywającymi się raz na trzy lata spotkaniami wydziałów służb bezpieczeństwa krajów bloku wschodniego odpowiedzialnych za zwalczanie "wywrotowych działań ideologicznych" miały mobilizować „bratnie organy” do przeciwdziałania wpływom zagranicy i kontaktom zagranicznym nasilającym się za sprawą odprężenia w stosunkach Wschód–Zachód w latach siedemdziesiątych. Raporty sygnalizowały także obszary, w których KGB zabiegała o pomoc sojuszniczych służb bezpieczeństwa. Artykuł analizuje zmieniające się treści raportów oraz ich odbiór przez służby bezpieczeństwa bloku wschodniego na przykładzie Stasi w NRD.
EN
Beginning in 1974, the Soviet Committee for State Security (KGB) began sending the other Soviet-bloc security services annual or semi-annual reports entitled "Trends in the Tactics of the Enemy for Conducting Ideological Subversion against the USSR". The reports focused on real and alleged efforts of the United States, as well as China, Islamic countries and foreign organisations, to encourage political opposition inside the Soviet Union. The reports, in conjunction with the triennial meetings of the divisions of the Soviet-bloc security services responsible for combatting "ideological subversion", served to mobilise these "fraternal organs" against increased foreign influence and contacts in the wake of the East-West détente of the 1970s. They also signalled areas in which the KGB would seek assistance from its allied security services. The article analyses the evolving content of the reports and the reaction of the Soviet-bloc security services to them based on the example of the East German Stasi.
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