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EN
The Ukraine conflict escalated in early 2014 and resulted in Russia’s annexation of Crimea. This illustrates a troublesome pattern in the region. The author claims that this most recent political crisis is in fact emblematic of Russian’s narrative for some time, as exemplified by the Russia-Georgian War, or Putin’s support of Moldavian separatists. The article attempts to conceptualize Russian “mingling” in the region in light of several relevant events such as the recent creation of the Eurasian Economic Union as well as the annexation of Crimea as a deliberate strategy that reflects a much larger pattern of potential destabilization and expansionism, which begun more than a decade ago. The argument will be analyzed through the prism of two theoretical perspectives, the redefined domino theory and Kohr’s power theory of social misery. Moreover, the article will place a particular emphasis on the increasing influence of the concept of Eurasianism on Russian geopolitics in recent years. The increasing regional vulnerabilities in light of Russia’s antagonistic policy of Realpolitik, stresses the need for a protracted dialogue about other potential security threats that could further destabilize the region. The article discusses recent events in Ukraine as an emblematic example of Russian geopolitical strategy as a potential warning for other sovereign States in the post-Soviet “near-abroad”.
EN
The aim of the article is to show the weaknesses of the demoliberal paradigm resulting both from its internal, discursive conditions, as well as from its historical grounding together in the course of the cultural and civilizational evolution of Western societies (on the trajectory of premodern - modern - postmodernity) and in the structures of hegemonic and dependence relations between the West and the non-Western world. The issue under consideration appears to be important because the aforementioned weaknesses affect the development prospects of the demoliberal formation in the contemporary world, the specificity of which is in turn largely determined by the post-colonial status structure and the increasingly clear symptoms of the reconfiguration of the international system of power and dependencies. The basic internal contradiction of the demoliberal discourse is based on the contradictory implications of the idea of equality and freedom, the latter of which is dynamized by emancipatory tendencies that violate the ordering powers of an equality utopia. The noticed contradiction emphasizes the growing importance of identity politics in contemporary liberal democracies. The latter derives largely from the conflict of tradition and revolution, fundamental to the beginnings of modernity, the latter of which, as a social force and as a political and social project, is motivated by, among other things, democratic and liberal ideas. The entanglement of the democratic-liberal evolution in cultural contradictions and apories characteristic of the history of the Western world calls into question the universalism of the demoliberal paradigm. On the other hand, the conflict of utopias, both those under the sign of tradition and those under the sign of the revolution, is being relativized due to the emancipatory tendencies that destroy both them. The formal fulfilment of an equality and freedom utopia not only does not mitigate the aspirations for further emancipation, but also seems to be conducive to deepening the identity dilemmas of demoliberal societies. The particularization of identity discourses that takes place in this context threatens the social consensus around traditional demoliberal values. It also threatens the authority of the demoliberal formation, its coherence and credibility in the perception of different cultures, in relation to which the former plays an analogous role as it played at the dawn of Western European modernity in relation to tradition. The author sees a remedy for the crisis of cohesion and credibility of the demoliberal formation, among others in broadening the scope of inclusiveness by liberal culture of various identity policies, as well as in deepening the practices of deliberativeness responsible for social consensuality. Noticing the importance of the discursive and moral factor in the article does not obscure the influence of Realpolitik on contemporary liberal democracy. Real politics emphasizes the importance of the United States as the leader of the demoliberal camp, although it does not yet determine whether and how the American center of power will retain its stabilizing powers in the reality of a multipolar order. Due to the interdiscursive nature of the considerations, inevitable due to their subject matter, the article refers to a broader disciplinary background, including, apart from the above-mentioned postcolonial studies, e.g. philosophical anthropology, historiosophy, political theory and cultural criticism.
RU
Статья посвящена турецко-российским отношениям на фоне сирийского кризиса. Известно, что этот конфликт приобрел ожесточенный характер из-за противоречивых причин, что впоследствии привело к кризису между сторонами. Одновременно цепь событий показала, что как Турция, так и Россия вынуждены сотрудничать согласно логике Реалполитик. Эта статья также появящена анализу сущности этого сотрудничества.
EN
The article is about Turkish-Russian relationshps in the context of Syrian conflict. It is known that, this conflict has aggravated due to the coinciding reasons, even led to the emergence of the challenging crisis between the sides. Simultaneously, the chain of events has demonstrated that both states, Turkey and Russia, are forced to cooperate stem from the logic of Realpolitik. The article is devoted to the analysis of the essense of this cooperation.
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EN
Próba odwrócenia politycznej „życiowej treści” powieści Śnieg (tur. Kar) tureckiego noblisty Orhana Pamuka z artystycznej abstrakcji do rzeczywistości.
PL
Autor wskazuje na niewykorzystaną możliwość odczytania ukrytego projektu polityczności romantyzmu europejskiego. W perspektywie porównawczej można zauważyć zbieżność różnych odmian literackiego romantyzmu dążącego do wymyślenia polityki będącej alternatywą zarówno dla czasów napoleońskich, jak i dla decyzji Kongresu Wiedeńskiego.
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