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Development and trends of the general referendum law proposals in the Czech Republic

100%
Brabec D.
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia
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2018
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vol. 25
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issue 2
EN
The possibilities of introducing elements of direct democracy into the Czech constitutional framework are often being reduced to efforts to implement a general referendum. During more than 25 years of the existence of an independent Czech Republic, the Czech Parliament discussed 21 proposals of the general referendum law. However, despite the relatively large number of the proposals, the Czech legislators did not agree on the form which the general referendum should have in the Czech Republic - none of the submitted proposals of the law on the general referendum has so far been accepted. Proposals of the general referendum law were not identical. Therefore, this paper aims to analyse 21 proposals submitted to the Czech Parliament. The main emphasis will be put on the overall role which a general referendum should fulfil in case it is implemented into the Czech legal framework. Should a general referendum serve only as a complementary instrument in the context of parliamentary democracy applied in the Czech Republic or should it be used as a regular tool to exercise power by citizens of the Czech Republic which corresponds much more to the system based on direct democracy? Which of these poles are the proposals approaching, or is it possible to observe a certain trend in the submitted proposals of the general referendum laws? Are the proposals, that are repeatedly submitted by the same political parties consistent in their content? Those are the main issues, which will be addressed in this paper.
2
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Referendum brytyjskie w 2016 r. z perspektywy teorii formowania się preferencji państw członkowskich UE

88%
Gagatek W.
Studia Europejskie-Studies in European Affairs
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2018
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vol. 1
69-88
EN
The aim of this paper is to place the case of the British 2016 referendum on whether to remain or leave the EU within theories of preference formation. Events and processes observed recently such the politicization of European integration, the growth of Eurosceptic and populist parties and movements, and more and more frequent reliance on voters’ opinions expressed in referendums – of which the British 2016 referendum is a special case – beg to consider which theories are best placed to explain these developments. The answer to these questions have a profound importance both from the perspective of EU politics, and allows for a better understanding of British politics too. The analysis spans since 1990s, thus stressing the importance of a long-standing processes for preference formation. In conclusion, the author assigns the highest explanatory power to historical institutionalism, focusing on the key role of British party politics, and intra-party divides in particular.
3
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Szanse i zagrożenia dla Irlandii Północnej po referendum i decyzji Wielkiej Brytanii o wystąpieniu z Unii Europejskiej

75%
Radomska E.
Studia Europejskie-Studies in European Affairs
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2017
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issue 1
99-118
EN
The purpose of this article is to analyze the opportunities and threats for Northern Ireland after the EU referendum in United Kingdom. As a basis for the research method a study based on the analysis of selected information sources was used. The referendum on the United Kingdom’s continuing membership of the European Union resulted in a victory for those wishing to leave the Union, and has become the impulse for discussions on the possible directions for future developments in Northern Ireland. There are two scenarios being considered: Northern Ireland remaining within the United Kingdom, but outside the European Union, leaving the United Kingdom and uniting with the Republic of Ireland, which would enable it to retain its membership of the European Union. A referendum on unifying Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland, which is supported by republicans, is currently neither justified – the lackof sufficient support of the population, nor is it possible – as the proposition would be vetoed by the main unionist parties and by the government in London which is fully committed to maintaining the unity of the United Kingdom. If, however, the unifi cation of Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland occurred, in addition to the enormous initial cost, it could instigate the threat of destabilisation of the political scene and rekindle conflicts between Catholic and Protesant groups. In the long term, uniting with the Republic of Ireland would enable Northern Ireland to maintain a strong developmental impulse arising from the benefits of being a member of the EU; such as access to the Single European Market, structural funds, etc., which the province may lose if it stays within the United Kingdom. The real effects on Northern Ireland will depend on the results of the negotiations and decisions reached by the United Kingdom and the European Union on the conditions on exiting the Union and the future directions, forms and principles for further co-operation. Its economic development is of fundamental signifi cance for the future of Northern Ireland, including the peace process.
4

The Lithuanian Referendum on Extending the Working of the Ignalina Nuclear Power Station: The Rationality of Actors within (Un-)Changing Structures

75%
Mažylis L., Jurgelionytė A.
Baltic Journal of Law & Politics
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2012
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vol. 5
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issue 1
117-136
EN
This article explores the structural factors and the arguments of the political actors in the Lithuanian referendum of 2008 on extending the working of the Ignalina Nuclear Power Station. By applying a new institutionalism theoretical perspective, this article studies campaign development, its structural framework and the actors' arguments. The presupposition has been confirmed that the value normative environment of the referendum was long-term and sustained, without any "paradigmatic shifts" during the referendum debates themselves. With that said, the equilibrium of competing normative attitudes was shifted towards agreeing with an extension of the work as a "minor evil". Within this structural environment, a range of "second order" features was typical for the referendum campaign model, additionally reinforced by another parallel (chronologically coinciding) campaign, that of the elections to the Seimas. Minor shifts in the otherwise overwhelming YES vote could be evoked by formal mechanical nuances, if nothing else. The diverse positions of the political actors involved in the campaign - whether active, critical, reluctant, or floating ones - were supposed to shift their opinion(s) within a stable structural value normative environment, not seeking any reconsideration. This model of referendum campaign development is typical for the Lithuanian direct democracy tradition. Frequently, a referendum serves as a supplementary formal institutional instrument allowing an expansion of the field of political debates and/or the possibility for political actors to place themselves within a stable value normative structure where they may strive for additional mobilization of behalf of their electorate.
5
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O ústavnosti zániku Československa

45%
Klíma K.
Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Iuridica
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2018
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vol. 84
5-14
PL
Sytuacja po wybo­rach w 1992 r. pokazała, że zwykła federacja była prawdopodobnie barierą nie do pokonani dla przyszłego rozwoju konstytucyjnego. Opinia publiczna nie zaakceptowała idei podziału Czechosło­wacji. Rozpad Czechosłowacji wynikał z obiektywnej sytuacji wywołanej wyborami i eskalowanej bezkompromisowymi ambicjami zwycięskich koalicji w obu krajach. Konstytucyjna osobliwość sytuacji Czechosłowacji polegała na konflikcie między federalną konstytucją a nowym słowackim systemem konstytucyjnym (od 1.10.1992), gdy każdy z nich deklarował swoją supremację.
EN
The situation after the elections of 1992 showed that an ordinary federation was pro­bably an invincible barrier for the future constitutional development. Public opinion did not accept the idea of the division of the Czechoslovakia. The dissolution of Czechoslovakia resulted from an objective situation generated by the elections and escalated with the non compromising ambitions of the winning coalitions in both countries. Constitutional curiosity of the situation of the Czechslova­kia consisted in the conflict beetwen federal consitution and new Slovak constitutional system (since 1.10.1992) when each of these declared its supremacy.
6
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The New Devolution in Wales as a Result of Emerging the Small Nation

38%
Sopoćko P.
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia
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2016
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vol. 23
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issue 1
EN
In this article, an author proves that devolution based on the national identity fosters political development in Wales. The main historical facts are briefly recalled, coming smoothly to Tony Blair’s reforms and their partly failure. Author considers them as irreversible process’ elements, later continued by David Cameron who saw them as vital to awake national identity of Wales. Such efforts finally result in economic success of the whole region, based on devolution of powers, as it is concluded at the end. 
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