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The problem of method, which became one of the most oft-examined themes in Renaissance philosophy, is likewise the subject of Jan Jessenius’ Et Philosophiae et Medicinae Solidae Studiosis (Wittenberg 1601). In the context of contemporary discussions which ended up distinguishing between methods of cognition and methods of presentation, it is shown that Jessenius does not avail himself of this distinction – despite the fact that he is considered a student of the Paduan school. On one hand, Jessenius does distance himself from a rhetoricised form of logic which blurred the difference between method and the order of knowledge; on the other, he presents the method of attaining knowledge as a component part of the method of education. He understands logic, referring to Aristotle, mainly as an analytic art – not as dialectics. Analytics begin with induction, continues through the probabilistic syllogism, and is followed by a demonstration of the causes of things, thus drawing in essence from the progression of the demonstratio quia to the demonstratio propter quid, which the Paduan Aristotelians referred to as a regressus. According to Jessenius, however, the last phase of the whole process is definition, though its meaning is never precisely delimited. It appears that, rather than Paduan methodology, Jessenius took up the Aristotelian tradition which distinguishes four questions (num sit, quid sit, quod sit et propter quid) and associates different faculties of the human soul to each. He leaves aside the problems which were connected with the interpretation of Aristotle’s texts during the Renaissance. In Jessenius’ address, the question regarding whether scientific cognition is derived from first principles or first concepts (or perhaps installed in the human soul by God) remains unresolved. Johannes Jessenius thus appropriated the ideas of his Paduan teachers in a rather inconsistent manner and passed them on to his students in the same spirit, which bears witness to the level at which the methodology of science had been developed outside of its great centres at the turn of the 17th century.
EN
The aim of this paper is to give an account of some arguments used by Judah Moscato and other Mantuan Jewish thinkers of the Renaissance to equate God’s essence with the Supernal Torah, and to argue that nature can be considered as a realm in which God’s signs are ubiquitously stamped. According to Moscato’s Sermons, God transmits His spiritual energy to nature in such a way that He is in some manner all of the existents. Given so, man is required to search for the evidence of God in nature by means of his intellect, to decode the signs through which God unveils the eternal intelligible truths contained in the Supernal Torah. The Neoplatonic bias perceptible in the Kabbalistic works of Yohanan Alemanno and Abraham Yagel is also examined.
EN
Although the three duodecalogues, Duodecim Regulae, Duodecim arma spiritualis pugnae, and Duodecim conditiones amantis, make up only a tiny fraction of the entire oeuvre of Giovanni Pico della Mirandola, they enjoyed great popularity and diffusion in the sixteenth century. They were translated into vernacular languages very early, such as into English by Sir Thomas More at the beginning of the sixteenth century. There were also translations into French, Italian, German, Spanish and even Czech, all almost unknown to international scholarship. It was their spiritual content which made them so popular in the Renaissance and it is actually this content which is one of the reasons they have been almost entirely omitted in the modern historiography of Renaissance philosophy. Another reason for their neglect lies in certain doubts concerning their authenticity. This paper puts these writings into the context of Pico’s philosophy as far as spiritual life can be considered part of his anthropological concept.
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EN
Page Header Logo Page Header Language Select Language User Username Password Remember me Journal Content Search Search Scope Browse By Issue By Author By Title Home About Login Register Current Archives Announcements Editorial Board Links Home > Vol 38, No 4 (2016) > Nejeschleba Andreas Osiander in the History of Philosophy, Science, and Philosophy of Science Tomáš Nejeschleba Abstract The article deals with the position of Lutheran theologian Andreas Osiander sen. in the history of philosophy, history of science and philosophy of science. It works on humanistic foundation of Osiander’s thought and his elaboration of the tradition of the antient wisdom and Christian cabbala of Giovanni Pico della Mirandola in particular in the biblical exegesis. The article deals with Osiander’s edition of Nicolaus Copernicus’ book De revolutionibus orbium caelestium as well and with his edition of the mathematical work of Girolamo Cardano. In the context of philosophy of science Osiander’s foreword to Copernicus is analyzed and its role in the controversy between instrumentalism and realism is assessed. Osiander’s instrumentalism is viewed as an anachronism. Finally, the influence of Neoplatonism and Paracelsism in Osiander’s theology is analyzed and judged as too general.
CS
Článek pojednává o roli luteránského teologa Andrease Osiandera st. v dějinách filosofie, vědy a ve filosofii vědy. V chronologickém sledu je v tomto kontextu věnována pozornost několika tématům. Nejprve se článek zabývá humanistickými základy Osianderova myšlení a jeho zpracováním tradice prisca sapientia v teologii, především vlivem křesťanské kabaly v návaznosti na Giovanniho Pika della Mirandolu, konkrétně v biblické exegesi. Pozornost je dále věnována především Osianderově edici knihy O obězích nebeských sfér Mikuláše Koperníka. V kontextu fi losofi e vědy je pak rozebírána Osianderova předmluva ke Koperníkovi, posuzována jeho role ve sporu mezi instrumentalismem a realismem ve vědě a zdůvodněn anachronismus této extrapolace. Je zmíněna také Osianderova edice matematického díla Girolama Cardana. Následně je analyzována role novoplatonismu v Osianderově teologii, která se blíží paracelsiánskému přístupu, i když vliv jak paracelsismu tak novoplatonismu je zhodnocen jako velmi obecný.
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