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Szanse i zagrożenia dla Irlandii Północnej po referendum i decyzji Wielkiej Brytanii o wystąpieniu z Unii Europejskiej

100%

Radomska E.

Studia Europejskie-Studies in European Affairs

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2017

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issue 1

99-118

EN

The purpose of this article is to analyze the opportunities and threats for Northern Ireland after the EU referendum in United Kingdom. As a basis for the research method a study based on the analysis of selected information sources was used. The referendum on the United Kingdom’s continuing membership of the European Union resulted in a victory for those wishing to leave the Union, and has become the impulse for discussions on the possible directions for future developments in Northern Ireland. There are two scenarios being considered: Northern Ireland remaining within the United Kingdom, but outside the European Union, leaving the United Kingdom and uniting with the Republic of Ireland, which would enable it to retain its membership of the European Union. A referendum on unifying Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland, which is supported by republicans, is currently neither justified – the lackof sufficient support of the population, nor is it possible – as the proposition would be vetoed by the main unionist parties and by the government in London which is fully committed to maintaining the unity of the United Kingdom. If, however, the unifi cation of Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland occurred, in addition to the enormous initial cost, it could instigate the threat of destabilisation of the political scene and rekindle conflicts between Catholic and Protesant groups. In the long term, uniting with the Republic of Ireland would enable Northern Ireland to maintain a strong developmental impulse arising from the benefits of being a member of the EU; such as access to the Single European Market, structural funds, etc., which the province may lose if it stays within the United Kingdom. The real effects on Northern Ireland will depend on the results of the negotiations and decisions reached by the United Kingdom and the European Union on the conditions on exiting the Union and the future directions, forms and principles for further co-operation. Its economic development is of fundamental signifi cance for the future of Northern Ireland, including the peace process.

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Bilans poprawek do konstytucji Republiki Irlandzkiej dotyczących Seanad Éireann

84%

Barbarewicz M.

Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego

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2023

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issue 6(76)

59-72

PL

Seanad Éireann w Republice Irlandii, będąc współcześnie jednym z nielicznych przykładów izby parlamentu realizującej formułę reprezentacji funkcjonalnej, jest często obiektem krytyki i propozycji reform konstytucyjnych w zakresie jego funkcjonowania oraz, w szczególności, sposobu wyboru jego członków. Dotychczasowe poprawki dotyczące Senatu – VII z 1979 r. i XXXII z 2013 r. zakończyły się porażką i nie zrealizowały towarzyszących im podstawowych założeń dotyczących reformy ustrojowej. Artykuł przybliża sposób kształtowania składu Seanad Éireann, historyczny kontekst opracowania obu poprawek, okoliczności prób ich wdrażania, porażek w tym zakresie oraz konsekwencje braku ich realizacji oraz zawiera refleksję nad przyszłością izby i wskazanie kolejnych prób dalszej jej reformy.

EN

Seanad Éireann in the Republic of Ireland, being currently one of the few examples of a chamber of parliament implementing the formula of functional representation, is often the object of criticism and proposals for constitutional reforms in terms of its functioning and, in particular, the method of electing its members. The previous amendments related to the Senate – VII of 1979 and XXXII of 2013 – ended in failure and did not implement the accompanying basic ideas regarding the systemic reform. The article introduces the composition of Seanad Éireann, the historical context of the development of both amendments, the context of attempts to implement them, failures in this regard and the consequences of this failure and includes a reflection on the future of the chamber and an indication of further attempts at its reform.

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Where Does the Buck Stop with the Backstop? The Irish-UK Border in Brexit Negotiations: June 2016-January 2019

84%

McNamara P.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

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2020

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issue 2 (49)

92-126

EN

The abject failure of British Prime Minister Theresa May to get the United Kingdom’s (UK) Withdrawal Agreement from the European Union (EU) through Parliament on 15 January 2019, with MPs overwhelmingly rejecting it by 432 votes to 202, has been put down to a variety of reasons. Primary among them has been the question of the post-Brexit status of the land border between the Republic of Ireland and the UK’s province of Northern Ireland. Although an issue which was initially seen as of minor importance, the significance of the Irish border steadily grew over time until it became the main stumbling block in UKEU Brexit negotiations brought about by the decision of the British people to leave the EU in a referendum held on 23 June 2016. Indeed, the key term of the ensuing debate, namely ‘the Irish backstop’, produced such confusion among politicians, political pundits and the general public that the House of Commons, split between so-called Brexiteers and Remainers, decided to reject May’s deal out of hand. This article seeks to argue that, from June 2016 (the time of the referendum) up to January 2019 (the time of the first vote on May’s Brexit deal in Parliament), the issue of the Irish backstop was seriously underestimated before suddenly taking centre stage and ultimately sabotaging the Withdrawal Agreement from within.

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1 Polish Political Science Yearbook

1 Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego

1 Studia Europejskie-Studies in European Affairs

1 Barbarewicz M.

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1 Radomska E.

1 2023

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Szanse i zagrożenia dla Irlandii Północnej po referendum i decyzji Wielkiej Brytanii o wystąpieniu z Unii Europejskiej

Bilans poprawek do konstytucji Republiki Irlandzkiej dotyczących Seanad Éireann

Where Does the Buck Stop with the Backstop? The Irish-UK Border in Brexit Negotiations: June 2016-January 2019