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PL
While the armed forces of Kurdish guerilla and militia fought first against ISIS forces on the Şengal Mountain in Iraq and then against Assad’s army for the control of Kobane, a part of the territory of Rojava in Northern Syria that became a symbol of Kurdish autonomy, the media presented this struggle as a fight for survival of all Kurds. At that time, the large Kurdish diaspora showed heretofore unprecedented levels of unity, launching a very modern, multimodal and multilevel campaign that focused on raising civic awareness through large-scale publicity events, collection of funds to aid victims of violence, and extensive lobbying. One of their aims was the removal of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) from the list of terrorist groups. The young generation of the Kurdish diaspora, Europe-born and well educated, consciously used opportunities provided by social media and their network of relations to build up the image of Kurdish military groups as trustworthy partners in the fight against ISIS, simultaneously trying to undermine and shame the Turkish government, already criticized for their management of the Syrian conflict.
EN
This article is an attempt to present the regime of the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria as an alternative to the entire state. It explores the ideology of Abdullah Öcalan, which is the foundation of this regime. It also analyses the systemic assumptions characteristic of the democratic autonomy in Rojava, and then in the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria. The thesis of the article is that the proposal for a new regime is a huge challenge for the people of these parts of Syria, President Bashar al-Assad and the international environment, in particular Turkey. The success of this project is difficult to assess as it depends on too many variables of an internal and international nature.
EN
The article is devoted to the federal system in the Democratic Federation of Northern Syria (North and East Syria), or the so-called Rojava. The case of this system is for many reasons special: on the one hand, it realizes the concept of ethnofederalism; on the other hand, it realizes the doctrine of democratic confederalism, i.e. political thought of Abdullah Öcalan. Democratic confederalism, referring largely to the communalism and municipalism of Murray Bookchin, advocates the implementation of a new order in the Middle East, in which various self-administrating ethnic and religious communities could co-exist in a confederal network based on the principles of participatory democracy, legal pluralism, federalism, equality of women and men, ecology and the social economy. According to its proponents, it leads to peace: first in Syria and later in the entire Middle East.
PL
Artykuł jest poświęcony systemowi federalnemu w Demokratycznej Federacji Północnej Syrii (Północnej i Wschodniej Syrii), tzw. Rożawie. System ten stanowi przypadek szczególny: z jednej strony ze względu na realizację koncepcji etnofederalizmu, z drugiej zaś z uwagi na zakorzenienie w doktrynie demokratycznego konfederalizmu (tj. myśli politycznej Abdullaha Öcalana). Demokratyczny konfederalizm, nawiązując w dużej mierze do komunalizmu i municypalizmu Murraya Bookchina, opowiada się za realizacją na Bliskim Wschodzie nowego ładu, w którym rozmaite wspólnoty etniczne i religijne mogłyby w ramach swoich odrębnych, lecz połączonych ze sobą w konfederalną sieć, organizacji realizować model demokracji partycypacyjnej i pluralizmu prawnego. Porządek ten, oparty na zasadach demokracji, federalizacji, równouprawnienia kobiet i mężczyzn, ekologii oraz ekonomii społecznej, ma prowadzić do wygaszenia istniejących konfliktów i pokojowej współpracy pomiędzy społecznościami – najpierw Syrii, a później całego regionu.
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