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EN
18th century sources confirm the observations of cultural anthropology that Roma women played an important role in the sustenance of their families. In a gatherer lifestyle, their primary task was to get food. However, the social environment strongly restricted gathering therefore they had to apply different techniques. From among these, the most important one was the activity relying on beliefs which formed the image of the ’Roma witch’ for the surrounding society. It is important to note, however, that these beliefs were always those of the surrounding society and not those of the Romas themselves as otherwise, they would not have worked (similarly to the way Roma musicians played the music of the surrounding society and not that of their own community). In accordance with this, witchcraft (fortune-telling, binding or loosing love ties, the ability to see treasures, etc.) was also a service provided almost exclusively by women. And as the surrounding society (or at least, a part of it) had a demand for this service, it also became possible for its providers to get into areas closed for them, where they could continue the ’gathering’ following from their lifestyle.
EN
Purpose: It is stated that the high mortality rate of cer-vical cancer worldwide can be reduced by early diag-nosis, effective observation, and treatment pro-grams. It was aimed to evaluate the correlation be-tween cervical cancer and screening and the health be-liefs of married women living in two different ethnic groups. Materials and methods: This research was con-ducted as a comparative descriptive study. 211 Roma (Gypsies) and 202 non-Roma married women included in the study. The data was obtained in the research by the introductory survey form and the "Cervical Cancer and Pap Smear Test Health Belief Model Scale". Per-centage, mean, t-test, chi-square tests were used in the evaluation of the data. A logistic regression analysis was used. Before the start of the research was received approval by the Ethics Committee. Results: The average age of the non-Roma women who participated in the survey was found 40.3 ± 10.5 (min: 20, max: 67). Non-Roma women were found to have received a pap-smear test at a higher rate (about 4 times more) than Roma women (p˂0.001, OR=3.723, 95%, CI 2.472, 5.607). Non-Roma women were found to have a higher pap-smear test rate (3-fold higher) than Roma women and found that the differ-ence between them was statistically significant (p˂0.001, OR=2.932, 95%, CI 1.855, 4.635). Conclusions: Roma women, a disadvantaged group, were found to hear fewer pap-smear tests, have less knowledge about the test, take fewer pap smears than non-Roma women and especially they did not have the pap-smear test because they did not know it.
PL
W artykule podjęto zagadnienie barier, na ktore napotykają romskie kobiety na rynku pracy. Autorka analizuje cząstkowe wyniki VEGA Project – przemoc wobec kobiet romskich w związkach, a także nterpretuje granice wejścia romskich kobiet na rynek pracy.
EN
The article provides information about barriers of Roma women in the labour market. It analyses the partial results of the project VEGA – Intimate Partner Violence against Roma Women. Most often interpret the entry limits of Roma women in the labour market.
PL
Romki i Cyganki w Europie doświadczają wielorakich trudności (Rada Unii Europejskiej 2011). Po pierwsze, duża część ludności romskiej i cygańskiej żyje w ubóstwie. Po drugie, ich odmienne tradycje kulturowe/etniczne często prowadzą do dyskryminacji w edukacji szkolnej. Po trzecie, znajdują się oni również w niekorzystnej sytuacji ze względu na aspekt płci, ponieważ tradycyjna kultura romska/cygańska określa miejsce kobiety w domu, w rodzinie, a kariera edukacyjna nie jest do tego potrzebna (l. Forray, Hegedűs 2003; Durst 2015). Dlatego też kobiety romskie i cygańskie są często nazywane „mniejszością mniejszościową” (Vincze, 2010: 195). Mimo tej wielorakiej deprywacji kobiety romskie i cygańskie odnoszą (nie tylko na Węgrzech) coraz większe sukcesy w systemie edukacji (Forray;Hegedűs 1991) i coraz liczniej uczestniczą również w życiu politycznym (Bakó, Tóth 2008; Kóczé 2010). Studium badawcze koncentruje się na kobietach romskich i cygańskich, które pochodzą ze środowisk charakteryzujących się dużą liczbą przypadków deprywacji, ale z powodzeniem realizowały swoją karierę edukacyjną (określoną przez stopień naukowy). Aby odpowiedzieć na pytanie badawcze „Jakie czynniki są uważane za korzystne dla sukcesu w edukacji z perspektywy kobiet romskich i cygańskich?”, wybrano metodę biograficznych wywiadów narracyjnych. Dodatkowo przeanalizowano badania statystyczne i empiryczne, a także wykorzystaliśmy wywiady eksperckie. Celem badania było poznanie subiektywnych teorii badanych kobiet. Wyboru respondentów dokonano za pomocą systemu kuli śnieżnej. Analiza wywiadów opierała się na metodologii Fritza Schütze (Schütze 1983). Za ramy teoretyczne tego badania posłużyły teoria Williama Juliusa Wilsona (Wilson, 1978; 1987) zaadaptowana przez Ivána Szelényi i Jánosa Ladányi’ego do sytuacji węgierskiej (Ladányi; Szelényi, 2004) oraz teoria Helmuta Fenda o funkcjach szkoły w społeczeństwie (Fend, 1980; 2003). Do interpretacji wykorzystano kategoryzację czynników sukcesu szkolnego węgierskich Romek i Cyganek z Katalin Forray R. i Andrása Hegedűs T. (Hegedűs 1996; Forray, Hegedűs 2003). Badanie pokazuje, że wszystkie badane kobiety miały bardzo silną motywację do nauki i były gotowe do konfrontacji z tradycyjnymi wzorcami kobiet. Ich rodzice i nauczyciele odegrali w większości bardzo pozytywną rolę w tym sukcesie, ale najważniejszym czynnikiem była ich indywidualna motywacja do nauki.
EN
Roma and Gypsy women in Europe suffer from multiple deprivation (Council of the European Union 2011): Firstly, a large part of Roma and Gypsy people live in poverty. Secondly, their different cultural/ethnic traditions often lead to discrimination in school education. Thirdly, they also have disadvantages through the gender aspect, because the traditional Roma/Gypsy culture defines the place of women to be at home with the family and an educational career is not necessary for that (l. Forray, Hegedűs 2003; Durst 2015). That is why Roma and Gypsy women are often called the “minority of the minority” (Vincze 2010: 195). Despite of this multiple deprivation, Roma and Gypsy women are (not only in Hungary) more and more successful in the education system (Forray; Hegedűs 1991) and they increasingly take part in the political life as well (Bakó, Tóth 2008; Kóczé 2010). The research study focuses on Roma and Gypsy women who have come from a background of multiple deprivation but managed to achieve successful educational careers (defined by their university degree). To answer the research question “Which factors are regarded as beneficial for success in education from the perspective of Roma and Gypsy women?”, we chose the method of biographical narrative interviews. Additionally, we analysed statistical and empirical studies and used expert interviews as well. The aim of the research was to learn about the subjective theories of the interviewed women. The selection of the respondents was done through the snowball-system. The analysis of the interviews was based on the methodology of Fritz Schütze (Schütze 1983). The underclass theory of William Julius Wilson (Wilson, 1978; 1987) adapted by Iván Szelényi and János Ladányi for the Hungarian situation (Ladányi; Szelényi, 2004) and the theory of Helmut Fend about the functions of the school in society (Fend, 1980; 2003) served as the theoretical framework for this study. For the interpretation we used the categorisation of factors for school success of Hungarian Roma and Gypsy women from Katalin Forray R. and András Hegedűs T. (Hegedűs, 1996; Forray, Hegedűs, 2003). The study shows that all interviewed women had a very strong learning motivation and were ready to have conflicts with the traditional female role model. Their parents and teachers played mostly a very positive role in this success, but the most important factor was their individual learning motivation.
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