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EN
Despite many years of research at the site, the Roman fort at Cape Aj-Todor near Yalta remains rela- tively poorly studied. A  better understanding of the discoveries made at the site can be reached by comparing them with the results of the excavations conducted in another fort also located in Crimea – at BalaklavaKadykovka. This text is an attempt at gathering together all the published information about the discoveries made at Cape Aj-Todor. The comparison of the research results from both sites has enabled establishing numerous similarities between them. Both forts functioned simultaneously, and their architectural remains can be qualified to identically dated phases. The final effect of the analysis undertaken by the author is a more complete plan of the fort at Cape Aj-Todor along with its surroundings, processed in a new graphic formula.
2
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The Sisciani in the Roman Empire

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EN
The article comments on residents of Siscia attested outside the city and its territory. It is based both on corpus of the Roman inscriptions from Siscia and inscriptions found elsewhere in the Roman Empire in which the Sisciani are documented. A few individuals, known from other provincial towns, were employed in municipal and provincial administration, while soldiers of various ranks predominate, legionaries as well as auxiliaries. Among them, soldiers serving in the Praetorian Guard are the best attested.
EN
Roman propaganda monuments are known best of all and they are still often cited, especially in Hollywood blockbusters. Despite the many doubts expressed by modern researchers, they continue to be sources valuable in many aspects as those monuments, mostly located in the capital, show how military weapons were perceived by the inhabitants of the capital, including the sculptors who were working on these monuments. There are many images of so-called Attic helmets on Roman monuments dated back to the first two centuries AD. As a rule, all of them are richly decorated with embossed floral ornament, have a browband with volutes in the temporal region and equipped with longitudinal crests with gorgeous plumes. The question arises, what are the samples were depicted on the Roman reliefs? How accurately this specimen have been reproduced by artists and sculptors, or, perhaps, we see only a reflection of the Hellenistic artistic tradition? There are helmets with a browband shaped as a vertical fronton with volutes existed. Their later modification is presented by finds from Guisborough, Theilenhofen, Chalon-sur-Saône. The pieces of the Ist century AD – early IInd century AD are Weiler-type helmets with a decorated riveted browband. They are the helmets from Nijmegen, Brza Palanka and from other places. The pieces from Butzbach and Hallaton can be considered as a transitional design between early and later helmet modifications with a vertical fronton. Thus, all of the above finds suggest that Attic helmets with browbands, which are often depicted on Roman propaganda monuments, are not the sculptors’ invention, but helmets really common in the Roman imperial army, imitating the models of the earlier period.
EN
Active involvement of army veterans in local governance and religious life of provincial towns and villages of the Roman Empire is generally determined as the ratio of number of retired soldiers who were magistrates and priests to the total number of veterans, known from all the inscriptions found on the territory of a province. In the opinion of the author, this approach may lead to a misperception of this aspect of the former soldiers’ life and consequently needs to be revised. This paper presents an alternative method of resolving the problem and outlines perspectives for its practical application on the example of material relating to the province of Lower Moesia.
EN
This contribution presents the first results of two surveys (2014, 2016) in the vicinity of the ancient city of Volubilis, situated in the southern part of the Roman province Mauretania Tingitana. The main purpose was to assess the possibilities of non-invasive research of the forts established by the Romans as part of the defensive system of Volubilis and to investigate the character of the Roman defences on the southern border. Forts were connected with watchtowers which completed the system protecting the territory in question. Many interesting fragments of pottery have been found at those sites, which may confirm Roman presence in many, though not all points. Collected field information as well as the analysis of publications leads to the conclusion that the border defence arrangements at Volubilis might not be considered as a part of a centrally organised limes system, safe guarding the entire province, but as the defensive system of the city and its surroundings.
EN
During the last years of Emperor Trajan’s reign, the Legio IV Scythica was stationed in the capital of Armenia at that time, Artaxata. It had made its way there within the scope of the Roman campaign against the Parthians. Its presence was immortalised on stamped rooftiles, bricks and a monumental inscription discovered by the southern border of the present-day village of Pokr Vedi. The inscription carved into limestone confirms the building activities of the Roman army. Similar inscriptions were frequently placed on the gates and most important buildings in legionary camps.Polish and Armenian archaeologists undertook a joint search for the supposed camp of the Fourth Scythian Legion in the vicinity of the present-day village of Pokr Vedi, where the above-mentioned construction inscription had been found. The field surveys conducted within the framework of the Pokr Vedi Project were mainly of a non-invasive character. The following were applied: surface prospection, aerial photography, interviews with the inhabitants, scanning of part of the terrain and geophysical measurements done using two methods: electrical resistivity and magnetic measurements. The accumulated data enabled the selection of sites in which survey trenches were located.
EN
One of the distinctive features of Caesar’s narrative about wars was the praise he bestowed on the merits of his centurions. The question arises why he promoted this category of soldiers and whether source analysis confirms the plausibility of their combat achievements. Michał Norbert Faszcza has collected and examined the relevant information contained in the extant written sources in an attempt not only to find confirmation of Caesar’s claims in the context of the growing importance of the centurions in the 1st century BCE, but also to ponder the reason for Caesar’s use this type of literary device. The centurions are a genuine symbol of Caesar’s army, and therefore this theme is of key importance for the reconstruction of the internal relations in his legions.
PL
Jedną z charakterystycznych cech narracji Cezara poświęconej toczonym przez niego wojnom jest eksponowanie zasług centurionów. Rodzi to pytanie, z jakiego powodu promował akurat tę kategorię żołnierzy i czy w świetle analizy źródłowej ich dokonania bojowe mogą zostać uznane za wiarygodne. Autor podjął próbę zestawienia informacji zawartych w zachowanych przekazach, starając się nie tylko znaleźć potwierdzenie opisów Cezara w kontekście wzrostu znaczenia centurionów w I wieku przed Chr., lecz także uzyskać odpowiedź dotyczącą możliwego powodu zastosowania tego typu zabiegu literackiego. Centurionowie uchodzą za prawdziwy symbol cezariańskiej armii, dlatego temat ten ma istotne znaczenie z punktu widzenia rekonstrukcji stosunków wewnętrznych panujących w legionach ówczesnego prokonsula.
EN
Most authors writing about the so-called Marian reforms do not try to trace the process of shaping the discourse devoted to their course. Meanwhile, drawing attention to the way this issue was presented by nineteenth-century scholars provides additional arguments to support the belief that the traditional vision is misguided. Considering the fact that none of the ancient authors had mentioned the Marian reforms, the theory is based on the creative interpretation of several fragments of preserved ancient literary sources. After some years the suggestive vision had presented once by C. C. L. Lange was raised to the rank of dogma by his epigones (Wilhelm Rüstow, Hans Delbrück, Georg Veith) and recognized as finally proven, although he was fully aware of its speculative nature. The worsening knowledge of German language additionally contributed to the marginalization of views created by scholars from the turn of 19th and 20th centuries. After the end of World War II, deconstruction of the existence of Marian reforms was carried out, although the arguments presented by its critics seem to be incomplete without taking into account one of the most important arguments resulting from a historiographic analysis: how the conviction about the existence of Marian reforms became widely accepted by the authors of books devoted to the history of ancient Rome.
PL
Większość autorów piszących o tzw. reformach Mariusza nie zadaje sobie trudu, aby prześledzić proces kształtowania się poświęconego im dyskursu. Tymczasem zwrócenie uwagi na sposób prezentowania tego zagadnienia przez dziewiętnastowiecznych badaczy dostarcza dodatkowych argumentów służących poparciu przekonania o błędności wizji zakorzenionej w literaturze tematu. Zważywszy na fakt, że żaden z antycznych autorów nie wspomniał o przeprowadzeniu reform przez Mariusza, teoria ta opiera się na twórczej interpretacji kilku passusów zaczerpniętych z zachowanych przekazów antycznych. Z czasem sugestywna wizja przedstawiona przez C.C.L. Langego została podniesiona dzięki autorytetowi jego epigonów (Wilhelm Rüstow, Hans Delbrück, Georg Veith) do rangi dogmatu i uznana za ostatecznie dowiedzioną, choć jej autor w pełni zdawał sobie sprawę ze spekulatywności własnych rozważań. Postępujący zanik znajomości języka niemieckiego dodatkowo przyczynił się do marginalizacji poglądów badaczy tworzących na przełomie XIX i XX w. Po zakończeniu II wojny światowej dokonano dekonstrukcji przekonania o istnieniu reform Mariusza, choć argumenty przedstawione przez jego krytyków wydają się dalece niepełne bez uwzględnienia jednej z najważniejszych przesłanek wynikającej z analizy historiograficznej, a mianowicie drogi prowadzącej do pojawienia się przekonania o istnieniu reform Mariusza w dziełach poświęconych dziejom starożytnego Rzymu.
EN
The paper presents the Roman army as the factor of change and economic transformation in the province of Lower Moesia. It addresses such issues as construction activities of the Roman army, development of the logistical base in order to meet the provisioning needs of the Roman troops. The main issue is the process of development of the local market of trade and production, as well as role of the Roman army in establishing and developing the fundamental branches of economy.  
EN
The Roman conquest of Gaul made in 58-51 BC abounded in heavy struggles which resulted in severe losses suffered by the army of Gaius Julius Caesar. Information about the course of the war reached Rome from various sources, including the accounts of soldiers. This put Caesar in a specific situation, as the narrative he was building could have been quickly verified by others. What is more, he had to assume the probability of facing various social emotions resulting from information about military defeats or a significant number of fallen soldiers. This leads to the question of how Caesar tried to present such episodes, and whether any conclusions can be drawn about the main audiences of his Commentarii.
PL
Prowadzony w latach 58-51 przed Chr. rzymski podbój Galii obfitował w walki toczone z dużą intensywnością, których efektem były dotkliwe straty ponoszone przez armię Gajusza Juliusza Cezara. Wieści o przebiegu działań wojennych docierały do Rzymu w różnej formie, nie wyłączając relacji autorstwa żołnierzy. Stawiało to Cezara w specyficznej sytuacji, jako że budowana przez niego narracja mogła zostać szybko zweryfikowana przez innych uczestników wojny. Co więcej, musiał liczyć się z koniecznością zmierzenia się z różnorakimi emocjami społecznymi, będącymi konsekwencją docierających do Italii informacji o ponoszonych porażkach bądź znacznej liczbie poległych. Skłania to do poszukiwania odpowiedzi na pytanie, w jaki sposób Cezar starał się przedstawić odbiorcom tego rodzaju epizody i czy na tej podstawie można sformułować wnioski dotyczące docelowego kręgu adresatów pisanych przez niego Commentarii.
EN
This review article deals with Steele Brand’s monograph devoted to the motivation of the Republican Roman soldiers in the context of the idea of citizen soldiery and civic militarism. From the reviewer’s perspective it is a starting point to illustrate a broader tendency, manifested in the gradual relegation of military issues to the margins of academic life, which is reflected in re-linking them with military institutions. Military academies were not established to conduct classical or even historical studies, and their primary goal is to educate officers, so this may lead to historiographical deformations resulting from ignorance of socio-cultural conditions.
PL
Artykuł recenzyjny traktuje o monografii autorstwa Steele’a Branda poświęconej motywacjom, jakie przyświecały żołnierzom republikańskiego Rzymu. Jej omówienie stanowi punkt wyjścia do zobrazowania szerszej tendencji, przejawiającej się sukcesywnym spychaniem problematyki militarnej na margines życia naukowego, co skutkuje ponownym powiązaniem prowadzonych badań z instytucjami wojskowymi. Wziąwszy pod uwagę, że te ostatnie nie zostały powołane do prowadzenia działalności stricte naukowej, lecz ich nadrzędnym celem jest kształcenie oficerów, prowadzi to do zubożenia dyskursu i powstania deformacji historiograficznych płynących z nieznajomości uwarunkowań społeczno-kulturowych.
EN
Many ancient writers have written about feeding the Roman army, including Vegetius, Appian, Cassius Dio, Tacitus and Suetonius. Archaeological sources provide interesting data about army provisioning, food supply, the soldier's diet, but also the consequences of eating certain types of foods. Analyzing the remains of consumption and waste, we can reconstruct the diet of soldiers in various corners of the empire and look at their everyday life "from the kitchen". This contribution is an attempt at an introduction on the nature of literary and archaeological sources concerning the food supply and diet of soldiers stationed in several selected places in the empire.
PL
Rok 69, nazywany powszechnie w historiografii rokiem czterech cesarzy, był przełomowy w dziejach starożytnego Rzymu. To armia decydowała o wyborze cesarza i poparciu jego osoby. Wojsko odegrało istotną rolę w kreowaniu polityki Cesarstwa. Galba otrzymał z rąk żołnierzy władzę cesarską, ale też z ich powodu ją stracił. Oton był prefektem pretorianów, z ich błogosławieństwem przejął władzę. Jednak wkrótce po tym wydarzeniu, armia stacjonująca w Germanii oddała władzę Witeliuszowi. Był to cesarz dwóch bitew spod Bedriacum, tej wygranej z żołnierzami popierającymi Otona oraz tej rozegranej między nim a Wespazjanem i kończącej praktycznie jego rządy. Wespazjan stworzył nową dynastię cesarską, która odbudowała zniszczone wojną domową Imperium.
EN
The year 69 AD named in historiography as a year of the four emperors was a turning point in the ancient history of Rome. It was the army which decided who ascended to the throne and which supported the emperor. The army played an important role in shaping the Empire’s policy. Galba received the power of an Emperor from the legions but was also deprived of that power by them. Otho was a prefect of praetorians and took over the reign with their support. However, soon after that the army, which was in Germany, handed over the throne to Vitellius. He was the emperor of two battles, the one of Bedriacum in which he defeated the legions supporting Otho and that battle between with Vespasian which ended his reign. Vespasian established a new imperial dynasty, which rebuilt the Empire ruined by civil war.
PL
Celem artykułu jest ukazanie, w jaki sposób strach oddziaływał na starożyt­nych żołnierzy. W badaniach wykorzystano metody stosowane w nowej histo­rii wojskowości oraz elementy warsztatu psychologii społecznej, zwłaszcza jej części traktującej o zachowaniach zbiorowych. W celu dokonania analizy, autor wykorzystał traktat wojskowy z końca VI w. – Ars militaris oraz inne teksty źródłowe, pełniące funkcję pomocniczą. Dzięki zastosowaniu źródła spisanego przez autora będącego praktykiem, udało się uchwycić elementy póź­norzymskiej sztuki wojennej, które dziś określamy mianem wojny psychologicz­nej. Autor artykułu postawił hipotezę, że starożytni dowódcy świadomie wyko­rzystywali strach jako pożyteczne narzędzie motywujące własnych żołnierzy oraz demotywujące wojska przeciwnika; w zakończeniu podkreślił jednak, że dalsze badania nad tym zagadnieniem są konieczne, a wyniki należy interpretować bar­dzo ostrożnie w przypadku stosowania nowoczesnego kotekstu.
Vox Patrum
|
2020
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vol. 75
317-344
EN
Paraphrase cited in the title of this article, that: “if you want peace, prepare for war” there is strictly refers to the thoughts of Vegetius, which he included in his „Epitome of Military Science”. Vegetius’ treatise was addressed to Roman commanders, officers and soldiers. For them, as Vegetius emphasized, a military knowledge was simply necessary to be brave in battles. Roman soldiers, knowing the "rules" governing war, should not be afraid of it, because, according to Vegetius' suggestion, no one is afraid to do what he is sure he has learned well. Although the content of the Epitoma rei militaris referred not only to the recruitment and training of recruits, the fact that author of this treatise devoted so much attention in his narrative to these issues there seems to best testify in what he actually saw the source of the most serious problems in the functioning of Roman legions that were part of the Roman army. The solutions outlined by Vegetius there were to improve the efficiency and military strength of these Roman units. Vegetius, writing his treatise, believed that thanks to the restoration of the best methods of recruitment, training and military organization, it would be possible to fix the errors of previous years and what’s more, it allowed restoring the Roman army to its former power, to dominate once again and terrify the enemies of the Roman state. Unfortunately, the coming time will inevitably verify his expectations.
PL
Zacytowana w tytule sentencja "Si vis pacem, para bellum" dobrze pasuje do myśli dzieła Wegecjusza "Epitome rei militaris". Traktat ten był adresowany zarówno do rzymskich dowódców, jak i do oficerów niższego szczebla, a nawet do szeregowych żołnierzy. Starał się w nim przekazać podstawową wiedzę wojskową, która miała podnosić w armii ducha walki. "Epitome rei militaris" mówi nie tylko o rekrutacji i szkoleniu rekrutów. Jednak autor poświęca tym właśnie zagadnieniom wiele miejsca. To zaś dowodzi wagi problemu, z którym borykały się ówczesne legiony. Wegecjusz pragnął zaś, aby jednostki armii cesarskiej były dobrze wyszkolone i skuteczne w działaniu. Wierzył on, że powrót do sprawdzonych sposobów rekrutacji, ćwiczeń i organizacji rzymskich sił zbrojnych wyeliminuje popełniane w jego czasach błędy w wyszkoleniu zarówno oficerów, jak i szeregowych legionistów. To zaś miało stanowić podstawę do odrodzenia rzymskiej potęgi militarnej, która miała się, w jego mniemaniu, stać na powrót postrachem dla wrogów imperium. Niestety przyszłość pokazała, jak ogromna przepaść dzieliła jego sny o odrodzonej potędze od rzeczywistości.
PL
Tacyt w swojej twórczości wykazuje duże zainteresowanie i szczegółową wiedzę na temat Dolnej Germanii – większe niż w przypadku jakiejkolwiek innej części Imperium Rzymskiego. Można to tłumaczyć jego pobytem na tym terenie.
EN
Tacitus demonstrates in his work a special interest for and a detailed knowledge of Germania inferior, more than for any other part of the Roman Empire. This can be explained with personal “eye-witness” in his own career.
PL
Położona najdalej na północ od Dunaju Dacia Porolissensis była obszarem bezpośrednio stykającym się ze światem Sarmatów i wschodnich Germanów. Północno-zachodnia granica rzymskiej prowincji Dacji, to jeden z najmniej znanych odcinków rzymskiego limesu. Badane stanowisko może być utożsamiane z starożytnym Resculum/Rucconium, miejscem stacjonowania rzymskich oddziałów wojsk pomocniczych, których zadaniem była straż w położonych w okolicznych górach posterunkach, będących ostatnią nieprzebadaną częścią limesu rzymskiego w Europie. Badania wznowione w 2012 r. pod kierunkiem F. Marcu są kontynuowane od 2014 r. we współpracy Instytutu Archeologii UMK w Toruniu z Narodowym Muzeum Historii Transylwanii w Kluż-Napoce.
XX
Limes Dacicus, a fundamental reflection and study subject for Romanian ancient history and archaeology. The northwestern part of the limes, especially that in the vicinity of the fort at Bologa, is, not by chance, one of the best-known sectors of the Dacian limes. Once archaeological research has been restarted, in 2012, in the fort, and through research projects financed in this field, the authors updated, documented and processed most of the data regarding the subject. On one hand, the commander’s house in the fort reveals a most interesting architectural approach used to erect the intended prototype of a Mediterranean residence, on the other hand, the Roman frontier in the area is a complex system of watchtowers, fortlets and linear fortifications which seem to ensure a rather efficient surveillance and communication in the area.
Vox Patrum
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2017
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vol. 67
361-372
EN
The main recipients of the ADLOCVT COH and DECVRSIO sesterces were Roman soldiers. As part of the pay and occasional cash prizes, these coins were offered not only to the Praetorians or the soldiers of cohors Germanorum, but also to the legionnaires, the soldiers of the Auxilia and those who served in the fleet. Money played a vital role in the communication between the emperor and milites Romani. It was through the use of certain types of ideas and slogans that the ruler created his own image, e.g. as a trained horseman and a competent commander (vide DECVRSIO). In turn, by publicizing the fact that the emperor gave special speeches to the soldiers who participated in the military rallies (vide ADLOCVT COH) he could pursue the political goals that the current situation required, such as the restora­tion of the correct relations between Nero and the Praetorian soldiers after the failure of the Pisonian conspiracy. Emissions of the coins showing this type of encounter in the wider context always meant the “bond” of the emperor with the subordinates, which was certainly welcomed by them. Therefore, the use of the slogan adlocutio became a universal idea in the relations between the soldiers and the emperors of the Roman state.
Vox Patrum
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2015
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vol. 63
273-286
EN
The aim of the present paper is to thoroughly reconstruct the meaning of the official cult ceremonies for the social life of the Roman Imperial army. Crucial to the analysis is the evidence produced by the Feriale Duranum, a papyrus docu­ment dating to the reign of Severus Alexander, but supported also by other sources. The matter of loyalty to the state and ruler is characteristic of most military ceremonies. Hierarchy and social order are emphasised as well, all four being values important for the military ideology. Participation in the same rites influ­enced the morale and esprit de corps not only in a particular unit, but also within the whole army. Therefore one can view the rites as an expression of a military identity, serving also to distinguish the soldiers as a separate social group. The of­ficial holidays were also of importance for the private life of a soldier, being one of few occasions when exemption from work and free time were granted. This made such ceremonies a welcome break from camp routine. As such, the official military religious rites were vital for the social life of both individual soldiers and military communities, be it units or even the whole army.
Vox Patrum
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2016
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vol. 66
253-275
EN
The scholae palatinae were part of a military guard unit, which was formed as a result of evolution. They developed from a formation of several hundred caval­rymen to a formation of an independent military corps, consisting at first of 3,500, and then as many as 7,000 soldiers. Even though at first scholares seemed different from milites praetoriani (i.a. in terms of ethnic origin, serving as the horsemen), they were, in fact, the successors of the elite guard unit of the Roman emperors. They held the same status and were entrusted with similar tasks during their service. The introduction of the post of tribune in the palace guard (scholae palatinae), as the supreme commander at the level of individual divisions (scholae), was, to a large extent, a continuation of the previous command structure within praetorian cohorts (cohortes praetoriae). What is more important, in the later period (6th century AD), within the scholae palatinae there also appeared infantry units, which made the scholares even more similar to the praetorians, who were serving in mixed cohorts (cohortes equita­tae), consisting of both infantrymen and horse guardsmen. The scholares, similarly to the praetorians, held a privileged position within the Roman army. It was not without significance when it comes to their own ca­reers or those who were related to them. The sign of times, which made these for­mations different, was the fact that among the scholae palatinae appeared many soldiers who were Christians. Finally, both scholares and milites praetoriani also gained profound influence upon the election of new emperors of the Rome. In hindsight, however, it turned out to have a disastrous effect on the scholae palatinae.
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