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PL
Wydarzenia polityczne z 2003 roku w Gruzji, 2004 na Ukrainie oraz 2005 w Kirgistanie zwykło określać się kolorowymi rewolucjami na obszarze poradzieckim. Choć w pierwszej chwili przypisanie im rewolucyjnego charakteru może się wydawać słuszne, z perspektywy czasu można jednak stwierdzić, że w strukturze systemów politycznych Gruzji, Ukrainy i Kirgistanu nie doszło do zmian uzasadniających taki pogląd. Konsekwencje kolorowych rewolucji pozostały rewolucyjnymi tylko z nazwy. Mimo to ich polityczna użyteczność zdaje się przeważać nad stanem faktycznym zaszłych zmian.
EN
Political events that took place at the end of 2003 in Georgia, in 2004 in Ukraine and in 2005 in Kyrgyzstan are popularly called Rose, Orange and Tulip Revolution or collectively: Color Revolutions in the Post-Soviet space. At the first glance term “revolution” may seem to be appropriate. From a decade long perspective one may notice that the revolutionary changes in the political systems of Georgia, Ukraine and Kyrgyzstan did not take place, though. However, their consequences show that the political utility of calling them revolutionary outweighs the extent of the true political change.
EN
This article outlines the question of politics of memory in independent Georgia (since the collapse of the USSR). The author argues that Georgia is not yet conducting such a policy, but we may nevertheless discuss a sum of activities which during the rules of Zviad Gamsakhurdia (1990–1992) and Eduard Shevardnadze (1992–2003) were sporadic and intuitive, but since the Rose Revolution and the government of Mikheil Saakashvili (2004–2013) have become more thoughtful and methodical (the Museum of Soviet Occupation was opened in Tbilisi during this time). The actions taken were influenced by the political situation – the civil war, the wars in South Ossetia and Abkhazia in the 1990s, and the Russian-Georgian war of 2008 – as well as the regional diversity of the country, its multi-ethnicity, and its position in the South Caucasus (which in Soviet times was known as Transcaucasia). This article discusses the most important topics that appear in Georgian narratives about the past, highlighting the historical ties between it and the West (the aim is to prove that in cultural-axiological terms Georgia belongs to Europe, and thus to justify Tbilisi’s aspirations to integration with the EU and NATO), and depicting Georgia as the victim of the Russian and Soviet empires (and whose successor is contemporary Russia). However, the Georgian message is hindered by the existence of the Joseph Stalin State Museum, which glorifies the Soviet dictator.
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