Search results - CEJSH

1

Rosja przechodzi do natarcia?

100%

Nikołaj Pietrov N.

Polski Przegląd Dyplomatyczny

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2018

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issue 2

41-50

EN

How Russia would change after march 2018 Presidential Election? Nikola Petrov describes a political system and the form of rule under Putin. He tries to define the future path of the political reform and all possible changes.

2

Miński Dylemat Rosji

100%

Menkiszak M.

Polski Przegląd Dyplomatyczny

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2018

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issue 2

51-67

EN

So called Minsk peace process determines Russian participation in the solving of self-created problem with a Donbas. Marek Menkiszak describes relation of Russia with its western partners

3

Rosja potrzebuje sukcesów

100%

Bryc A.

Polski Przegląd Dyplomatyczny

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2018

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issue 2

67-78

EN

System created by Vladimir Putin needs a huge successes and the some positive prediction for the citizens of Russia. Is it possible?

4

Russia’s Choice: Change Is Coming

100%

Petrov N.

The Polish Quarterly of International Affairs

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2017

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issue 4

86-95

EN

The article outlines some socio-political phenomena and trends observed in Russia at the regional as well as federal level. The author concludes that a wise government should conform to objective laws of societal growth, such as the swinging of the pendulum from the centre to the regions, in order to reap maximum benefits from the position it finds itself in.

5

“Still-Born Giant:” How Russia’s Faltering Economy Will Stifle the Eurasian “Economic” Union

63%

Vorobiov I.

The Polish Quarterly of International Affairs

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2014

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issue 4

99-119

EN

The launch of the Eurasian Economic Union in January 2015 augurs little progress in integrating the economies of Russia, Belarus, Kazakhstan and Armenia. While the existing Customs Union has been impaired by numerous exemptions enforced by Russia, a common external trade policy within the EEU will be derailed by Russia’s economic decline and expansionist foreign policy. Given that the newly created bloc lacks a sense of political actorness, there is no rationale for the European Union to embark on forming bilateral ties with it or negotiating trade policies.

6

Central Asia: Under Pressure from Russia and Its Integration Projects

63%

Assanbayev M. B.

The Polish Quarterly of International Affairs

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2015

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issue 1

123-136

EN

Kazakhstan is the first, but not the last country in Central Asia to be the focus of the aggressive ambitions of Russia’s foreign policy aimed at the creation of supranational integration alliances. Prospects for the creation of a Eurasian Union under the rule of Russia would mean at least a partial loss of political independence for other country-members in Central Asia. Moscow is already actively promoting the entry of Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan into all of its integrationist organisations. What are Russia’s main foreign policy goals in the former Soviet Central Asian states? The article is devoted to an analysis of the continuing evolution of contemporary Russian foreign policy, which shapes its regional and international behaviour. It will also attempt to assess the impact and consequences of contemporary Russian foreign policy in Central Asia.

7

„Privately, of course, there is no reason to doubt that the Russians were responsible” – Katyń w stosunkach polsko-brytyjskich 1943–1981

63%

Długołęcki P.

Sprawy Międzynarodowe

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2015

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issue 1

125-144

EN

The Katyn Massacre has played an important role in Polish-British relations during World War II and in the postwar decades. The first part of the article elaborates on the UK’s activity during and directly after WWII, while part two provides information about the 1950s that shows the UK’s position on the so-called Madden Committee established by the U.S. Congress to clarify the circumstances of the Katyn crime. The final part is devoted to the Foreign Office’s approach to plans to erect a monument commemorating the victims in London.

8

Russia’s Minsk Dilemma

63%

Menkiszak M.

The Polish Quarterly of International Affairs

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2017

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issue 4

70-85

EN

The essay examines Russia’s dillemmas with the Minsk Agreements three years after the signing of Minsk II, which defined grounds for putting an end to the conflict in much greater detail than the Minsk I Agreement of September 2014. The conflict was to end with a ceasefire, followed by a withdrawal of heavy weapons on both sides, an exchange of and amnesty for all hostages, democratic elections held in the occupied areas of Donbas and its reintegration with Ukraine. This would result in the region’s special status and restoration of Ukrainian control over the entire Russo-Ukrainian border in the east of Ukraine, but so far no provision of this 13-point plan has been implemented in full.

9

„Russkij mir” – rosyjska polityka sąsiedztwa

63%

Kościński P.

Sprawy Międzynarodowe

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2015

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issue 1

71-87

EN

In public discourse, the policies of Russian President Vladimir Putin are primarily based on the ideology of „Russkiy mir” (Russian World), which is a prerequisite for the construction of a new Russian empire as a union or a bloc of countries with historical and cultural links to Russia. „Russkiy mir” implies the community of nations and states, but the annexation of the Crimea and the war in Ukraine have undermined this community. Does this mean that the concept of „Russkiy mir” is fading? Definitely not.

10

Kilka uwag w związku z polskim wydaniem pracy Rafała Lemkina, Rządy państw Osi w okupowanej Europie

63%

Dębski S.

Sprawy Międzynarodowe

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2014

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issue 3

113-120

EN

The article has been written on the occasion of the first Polish edition of Rafał Lemkin’s classic: Axis Rule in Occupied Europe, the book which paved the way for the legal protection of entire nations threatened with annihilation for political reasons, often by their own state, and adoption by the UN, in December 1948, of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. The author argues that an original contribution of Lemkin’s thinking to development of international and humanitarian law laid not only in his view that the civilised nations should condemn, prohibit and prevent any attempts of deliberate liquidation of an entire group of people as the “crime of crimes,” with which the mankind lost a chance to benefit from that group’s cultural and intellectual contributions in the future. But also it was Lemkin’s determination to collect evidence that made it possible to build logical reasoning corroborating the personal responsibility of Third Reich leaders, including Hitler, for the mass crimes committed by German state institutions in occupied European countries. Thus Axis Rule in Occupied Europe was the first attempt to prove responsibility of Nazi Germany for atrocities committed in occupied Europe through careful analysis of law and regulations introduced by the occupying powers.

11

Zagadnienia prawne rosyjskiej interwencji zbrojnej na Krymie w 2014 r.

63%

Ochmann P., Wojas J.

Sprawy Międzynarodowe

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2016

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issue 1

89-110

EN

The text focuses on developments in Crimea in 2014, with the authors examining the steps launched by the actors in the aspect of international law. In February 2014 separatist tendencies were on the rise in the Crimean Peninsula, which at the time was part of the Ukrainian state, first and foremost as a result of the 2014 Ukrainian revolution. In consequence, Crimea was annexed by the Russian Federation, and the authors look at Russian action from a legal point of view, taking into account the accepted provisions of international law.

12

Tworzenie się kapitalizmu oligarchicznego w Rosji w latach 90. XX wieku

63%

Ilnicki M.

Prosopon. Europejskie Studia Społeczno-Humanistyczne

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2013

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issue 2(6)

151-171

EN

The article discusses the transformation of the oligarchic capitalist system formed after the Soviet Union collapse towards the state-clan capitalism. This process began after the resignation of Boris Yeltsin from the post of the President of the Russian Federation and it continues to the present day. The oligarchs have lost their influence on decisions in the country, and the control of the state authorities has been significantly expanded. This text is a recapitulation of causes and consequences of the events occurring between 2000 and 2012.

13

The Safety of Poland in the Context of American Ballistic Missile Defense

63%

Waszczykowski W.

Confrontation and Cooperation: 1000 Years of Polish-German-Russian Relations

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2014

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vol. 1

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issue 1

32-38

14

Cohesion and Flexibility of NATO’s Response to Russia’s Problem

63%

Baev P. K.

The Polish Quarterly of International Affairs

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2016

|

issue 1

22-30

EN

The new strategic reality for the Atlantic Alliance is shaped not by the increase of instability and uncertainty, but by a very definite increase of direct military threats from a powerful and aggressive neighbour. This adversary perceives military power as the most effective, indeed the only, available instrument of policy, and has acquired new skills in applying it in both “hybrid” and traditional ways. Russia considers its readiness to deal with high security risks as an important political advantage, and is relentlessly exploiting every potential division in Western unity by seeking to undermine NATO’s ability to act in a timely and cohesive way. Moscow probes and targets strategic vulnerabilities in NATO’s security posture, and tries to maximise its particular positions of power. Besides the Baltic and the Black Sea theatres, Russia may in the near future attempt to utilise its strategic advantage in the Arctic, where it continues to increase military activities and infrastructure, despite the absence of any threats to its interests.

15

Finské velkoknížectví v 19. století, na rozcestí mezi Východem a Západem

51%

Masař T.

Slovanský přehled: historická revue pro dějiny střední, východní a jihovýchodní Evropy (Slavonic Review: Review for Central, Eastern and Southeastern European history)

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2018

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vol. 104

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issue 3

803-824

EN

The aim of the study is to map the development of the Finnish he perception of the Russians and the Russian Empire during the Russian rule of the Grand Duchy of Finland between 1809 and 1917. In the course of the Middle Ages and Early Modern Period, the territory of today’s Finland became a component of the Western civilization circle and its eastern borders became the utmost boundary, beyond which according to Finns there was only barbarism and chaos. The Finnish perception of themselves as a part of the civilized West was then to a significant degree built precisely on the contrast to the barbaric East, but this concept had to be re-evaluated after 1809 when the Grand Duchy of Finland became a component of the Russian Empire. Just changing the perception of the age-old enemy and orientation to the new capital city of Saint Petersburg can be an interesting example of adaptation to the newly emerging conditions and acclimatisation to the current political reality. However, the relationship with the Czarist empire was another change at the turn of the 20th century, this time for the worse. At this point, however, the Finns were a self-confident and fully developed nation that refused to accept the limitations of autonomy and russification of their country. There followed almost two decades of passive resistance and political struggle against the Russian government, which only ended with the revolution in 1917.

16

Realizm z fałszywej analogii historycznej wywiedziony Przypadek Ksawerego Pruszyńskiego

51%

Kimla P.

Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

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2013

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issue 3(25)

177-187

EN

The article focuses on Ksawery Pruszyński’s political way of thinking which squares with political realism in many points. He aimed at developing Poles’ awareness of the fact that Stalin would be the winner of the war in Central and Eastern Europe. Therefore the future status of Poland depended on Stalin’s will. Nethertheless Pruszyński seems to make a serious mistake taking Soviet Russia as an atheistic, Marxist version of Tsarist Russia. Yet as things stand the Soviet Union was a phenomenon of a new kind. Ideocracy is presumably the best qualification of this new regime.

17

The Eastern Perspective: Russia Towards NATO Enlargement. A Case Study of 1999 and 2004 NATO Enlargements

51%

Bielewicz M.

Rocznik Bezpieczeństwa Międzynarodowego

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2010

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vol. 4

145-151

EN

“[Russia] cannot agree with attempts to move the center of gravity in questions of providing for security on the continent.” Russia’s Policy for National Security (1996)“The perspective of NATO enlargement to the East is unacceptable to Russia, because it represents a threat to its security.” Russia’s Concept of National Security (1997)

18

The conflict in Ukraine as a threat for the European Union’s integrity

51%

Nychyk A.

Prace Naukowe Uniwersytetu Ekonomicznego we Wrocławiu

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2017

|

issue 465

123-129

EN

The latest conflict in Ukraine changed the security situation on the European continent significantly and brought into question the adequacy of the present global rule to keep order in the world. The situation in Ukraine showed how key countries could cooperate when protecting human values and democratic standards stated in international agreements. This article presents how the conflict in Ukraine became a threat for the EU’s integrity. It analyses measures implemented by the organization to stop the war in the neighboring country and researches proposals that were rejected during the decision-making procedure. The aim of the work is to examine the ability of the EU to stay cohesive and decisive in the situation of a close external threat. The methods for the research are: qualitative research of secondary data, interviews, scientific analysis and synthesis.

19

POLITYKA WŁADIMIRA PUTINA A KWESTIA ROSYJSKIEJ TOŻSAMOŚCI NARODOWEJ

51%

KOT-WOJCIECHOWSKA J.

Historia@Teoria

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2018

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vol. 1

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issue 7

213-223

EN

The article deals with the issue of shaping the national identity in Russia after the collapse of the USSR. The author analyzes the significance of religious phenomena, and in particular Orthodox Christianity in the creation of new forms of collective identity.

20

Turkey and Russia in Syrian war: Hostile friendship

51%

Güler M. Ç., İpek C. D.

Security and Defence Quarterly

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2021

EN

This study considers Russian-Turkish relations within the context of the Syrian war. We elaborate on both Russia’s and Turkey’s strategies and their understanding of the Syrian War, and consider how the two countries have managed to stay on the same page despite conflictual strategies and geopolitical interests in Syria. The current literature does not address this question and does not thoroughly compare their actions and engagements in the field. This article aims to clarify Turkey-Russia relations in the Syria and provides evidence of how they are in conflict and cooperate at the same time. In this regard, it is argued that the available evidence indicates that Turkey-Russia relations in Syria operate on the “compartmentalisation” strategy. In order to test this argument, the qualitative research method based on secondary resources is used while the theoretical framework previously formulated by Onis and Yilmaz (2015) is adopted. They conceptualise Turkey-Russia relations as if they do “compartmentalise economic issues and geopolitical rivalries in order to avoid the negative spillover of certain disagreements into areas of bilateral cooperation.” Furthermore, they claim that compartmentalisation can be hindered if there are deepening security concerns in an area like Syria. However, this article underscores that compartmentalisation does not only work by separating the economic issue from geopolitical rivalries; it also makes Turkey and Russia able to cooperate and conflict in a specific and fundamentally conflictual geopolitical issue such as Syria. The convergences and divergences that occurred in the Syrian field are conceptualised under the strategy of compartmentalisation. In this context, the cooperation – the signed agreements and established mechanisms, conflicts, and clashes in the field, are acknowledged as the consequences of the compartmentalisation strategy in Syria. The compartmentalisation strategy is specifically used in Syria in order to avoid the negative impacts of direct clashes in bilateral cooperation and agreements. It can therefore be concluded that the deepening divergence in security related issue does not necessarily prevent compartmentalisation; on the contrary, compartmentalisation paves the way for stabilisation of such deepening divergence.

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