Wojskowo-Filmowy Oddział Komitetu Skobielewskiego był jednym z najważniejszych graczy przemysłu filmowego Imperium Rosyjskiego w okresie przedrewolucyjnym. Obok oddziałów gramofonowego i wydawniczego (edytującego m.in. pocztówki frontowe) stanowił fundament aparatu propagandowego podczas Wielkiej Wojny i rewolucji 1917 r. Trzon jego korpusu realizacyjnego tworzyli polscy filmowcy zarówno uformowani w warunkach imperialnego interioru (Mieczysław Domański, Władysław Starewicz i Piotr Nowicki), jak i ci, których warunki wojenne zmusiły do opuszczenia Królestwa Polskiego na początku światowego konfliktu latem 1914 r. (Jan Skarbek Malczewski, Antoni Fertner i Gustaw Kryński). Realizowali oni obrazy fabularne, dokumenty dyplomatyczne, rejestrowali rytuały dworu Mikołaja II, ale przede wszystkim filmowali przestrzeń frontową, jaką były ziemie przyszłego państwa polskiego (Galicja, Królestwo Kongresowe). Działali na styku dwóch kultur, będąc pionierami zarówno polskiej, jak i rosyjskiej kinematografii.
The article is devoted to the Council of State (Gosudarstvenny soviet) of the Russian Empire. The author presents an evolution of the state authority. Over the years of its operation it played the role of institution that advised the emperor on the legislative matters. A very important moment in the history of this institution was 1906, when the authority became the upper house of the Russian parliament. In this article the author presents the structure of the State Council and its staff composition, including participation of Poles and Lithuanians in its work.
Seizure of lands occupied by Kazakh tribes conducted by the Romanov Empire triggered the need to create adequate structures of the Russian administration to rule the country effectively. The first half of the 19th century witnessed the process of the Russian bureaucratic elite searching for an appropriate management model for the areas inhabited by the Kazakhs. A number of options for the design of the management structure were considered, ranging from the models functioning on the lands inhabited by nomadic tribes to new systems in need of verification. Finally, the process of administrative integration of the Kazakh Steppe finished in the 1860s.
PL
Opanowanie ziem z plemionami kazachskimi przez imperium Romanowów spowodowało konieczność utworzenia odpowiednich struktur administracji rosyjskiej, pozwalających na skuteczne zarządzanie tymi terenami. W pierwszej połowie XIX w. w kręgach biurokratycznej elity rosyjskiej miało miejsce poszukiwanie odpowiedniego modelu zarządzania dla tego obszaru. Rozpatrywano zastosowanie szeregu wariantów aparatu zarządzania: od już funkcjonujących na ziemiach zamieszkanych przez plemiona koczownicze do nowych jeszcze niesprawdzonych systemów. Ostatecznie proces integracji administracyjnej Stepu Kazachskiego zakończył się w latach 60. XIX w.
The cohabitation of different nations in the border of one state creates certain ethnic, social, mental collective nation’s image which changes very slowly. These processes are enhanced during the global historical processes with significant devastating effects which lead to an alteration in public consciousness.During World War І, under the influence of the external crisis circumstances, the necessity to take into account the strategic interests and fundamental values of the nations involved in the war, led to a change in perception of the image of the Pole. The image of a Pole as a disloyal person to Russian statehood had changed into the image of a true confederate in the mutual striving with the enemy.Perception of the Poles as partners in state‑building and international cohabitation became possible only due to global geopolitical changes, the policy of powerful nations, including the Polish territory and the ability of Polish political powers to consolidate their efforts around the idea of statehood restoration.
The article covers important manifestations and specifics of the protest culture of the Polish community within the South-Western region of the Russian Empire in the first half of the 1860s on the basis of analysis and synthesis of information from the documents of "Office of Kyiv, Podillya and Volyn Governor-General" (f.442) and "Office of the trustee of the Kiev school district" (f.707) of the Central State Historical Archive of Ukraine (Kyiv). Defending one's own cultural identity as a driver of national development is connected with the awareness of the political interests and goals of the liberation struggle of Poles. The unique influence of the Polish question on historical processes, the configuration of international relations in Europe during the "long 19th century" determines the relevance and scientific significance of the study and thinking of the history of Polish national and cultural movement. Comprehensive study of the Polish question in the European history of the 19th century is an important part of the scientific perception of interethnic contradictions and antagonisms in the Russian Empire and the reaction of European diplomacy and public opinion, a deeper understanding of the essence of Russian-Polish cultural and civilizational confrontation and its impact on Ukrainian national life. Following the three partitions of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth (1772, 1793, 1795) most of the territories of this formerly powerful European state were incorporated into the Russian Empire, there was a fierce struggle for cultural and ideological dominance in the region. The Polish national liberation movement of the 1860s, which culminated in the January Uprising of 1863-1864, developed against a background of broad social and cultural resistance to Russian autocracy, manifested in such protest actions as mourning and serving panikhads for dead Poles, singing patriotic Polish songs and hymns, public wearing of national costumes, participation in anti-government manifestations and demonstrations, refusal to read prayers for the emperor in churches, and so on. Clergy and educators, as well as students and pupils, were the driving force behind this protest movement, which had an international resonance.
The article is devoted to the controversial, pro-Russian Polish editor of “Tygodnik Petersburski”, Józef Emmanuel Przecławski. He was the alumnus of the Vilnius University and a contemporary of Adam Mickiewicz and the Philomaths, later to become loyal to the Russian Empire. The author of the article uses the Russian socio-political background to analyse the correspondence between Przecławski, the periodical’s censor and the Tsar’s advisors who, over the objections of chief editor, collaborated to transform the weekly into a bilingual Polish-Russian edition. The analysis is based on citations from the Russian archives sources.
This paper, based on documents from the Central State Historical Archive of Ukraine (Kyiv), highlights the specifics of the social life of Poles in the South-Western region of the Russian Empire on the eve of the First World War. The author studied the official correspondence of the General Staff of the Russian Empire and the Staff of the Kyiv Military District, the Ministry of Internal Affairs and provincial gendarme departments of the South-Western Region, secret documents of the Kyiv Security Office, the Office of the Kyiv, Podillya and Volyn Governor-General, and so on. These documents illustrate the focus of the Russian imperial authorities on gathering information about the political situation and public sentiment in Austria-Hungary, and above all in Galicia. In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, against the backdrop of an intensified interstate confrontation between Austria-Hungary and Russia, a competition of state building models became more active. In the early 20th century, the idea of federalism was strengthened in Austria-Hungary with the aim of internal political stabilisation and a broad guarantee of the Slavonic peoples' rights. And it was no accident that guard and punitive authorities of the Russian Empire focused their attention on intelligence information about the activities of the Polish Socialist Party, the creation of paramilitary organizations in Galicia, and the preparation of an anti-Russian uprising by the Poles during the expected war between Russia and Austria-Hungary. The Polish population of the South-Western region was supervised. Discriminatory measures were taken against the cultural activities of the Poles of the South-Western region aimed at raising national self-awareness and patriotism, schooling and national-cultural public organizations were suppressed, and monitoring of the Roman Catholic clergy was established. In view of the approach of the 50th anniversary of the January Uprising of 1863-1864, the guard and punitive bodies of the Russian Empire directed special efforts to prevent the spread in the South-West Region of actions commemorating this symbolic anniversary organized on the territory of Austria-Hungary, in particular in Lviv
This paper reviews the genesis of ethnically motivated control in the nineteenth-century Russian Empire. We determined that people of Polish descent were the main target of the earliest examples of the practice of such types of control. “Watching the Poles” differed from classic police surveillance and was closer to more modern intelligence practices: an entire category of population, rather than specific individuals, were being controlled. The practice was not passive either; it involved the Imperial government’s active intrusion into the private lives of people of Polish descent. This allows us to view the Empire’s attitude toward Poles as an early example of population policy and control over the Poles as one of the tools of executing this policy in practice.
At the beginning of the 20th century the Russian Empire went through a series of crises. As a result of its resounding defeat in the war with Japan and the 1905 Revolution the conflicts between supporters and opponents of the Czar escalated. Under these conditions Czar Nicolas II appointed P. A. Stolypin, a young politician known for his reformist opinions, as Prime Minister. The basis of his transformation program was agricultural reform that hinged on the breakup of village communes (known as obshchina) and solving the problem of land shortage in the central regions of Russia. The article focuses on analysis of Stolypin’s agrarian reform and its influence on the economic, political and social development of the Russian Empire, and it evaluates the content, implementation and results of these actions. In order to carry out this research, the author applied systemic and historical analysis, as well as comparative statistical and quantitative methods. The contributions of Stolypin’s agrarian reform are undisputable: in 1912 Russia became the largest agricultural exporter in the world, and it was rapidly industrializing. Nevertheless, the author considers its success to be only partial, primarily because the changes introduced did not prove to be permanent. Moreover, Stolypin’s successors were unable to develop the reforms Pyotr Arkadyevich had laid out, which led to the population embracing radical measures to solve the problems of Russian villages.
The paper characterizes the reflections of Russian historians, journalists and publicists regarding the election of Ferdinand Coburg as Prince of Bulgaria. These reflections are part of the socio-political discourse of the Russian Empire in 1887–1917. The concept of “socio-political and scientific discourse” is understood by us as a complex of texts – articles, monographs, news reports, cartoons, journalism, as well as the result of social, political, international, cultural, pragmatic, cognitive and philosophical factors characteristic of the Russian Empire in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. The reflection of the election to the Bulgarian throne of Ferdinand Coburg in the socio-political and scientific discourse of Russia has not previously been the subject of specific historical research. The public interest of the Russian Empire in the election of Ferdinand to the Bulgarian throne in 1887 was determined by the great importance of this Balkan country in the geopolitical plans of the empire. The assessments of the Russian public of this event depended on its perception by the official Russian government. The autocratic government had a decisive influence on the opinion of intellectuals, and the imperial narrative, even after the 1905 Revolution, continued to largely determine the evaluative approaches of both liberal and conservative authors. We can trace the differences in the perception of the fact of the election of Coburg to the Bulgarian throne by representatives of the liberal and conservative trends
The Russian authorities used repressive measures against the Poles, who were active partic-ipants in the November 1830 and January 1863 uprisings. These measures included arrest and ex-pulsion to the inner provinces of the Russian Empire under the supervision of the police without the right to return to their homeland; the inclusion in military garrisons stationed in various parts of the empire; the direction to serve in the troops in the Caucasus, where military operations were conducted against the local highlanders and expulsion to hard labour and settlement in Siberia or in the internal provinces of Russia.The severity of repressive measures was determined by the fact that, in the exiled Poles, they saw a source of hatred spreading towards the tsarist government. The authorities feared the influ-ence of their thoughts on the liberal strata of Russian society, especially on young people. With such measures, they tried to suppress the restless minds. The imperial authorities also feared the reaction of Europe, which threatened Russia with “anathema” and intervention.
In line with the colonization of central Asian provinces of the Russian Empire, which started in the 16th century, also the Poles were sent as prisoners to these areas. The article relates to methods of survival in exile of representatives of the fi rst large group of Polish exiles – members of the Bar Confederation (1768–1772). Some chose to more or less spectacular escape, which often ended in tragedy. Others settled in and converted to Orthodoxy, denying the possibility of returning home. A large group of exiles were eventually forcibly incorporated into the tsarist army. As ordinary soldiers, deprived of state laws, the Poles have contributed not only to the further colonization of the Asian part of the Russian Empire, but also played an important role in regulating the internal affairs of Russia, including Emilian Pugachev rebellion damping (1773–1774). The source of the research is a diary of exiled member of the Bar Confederation – Karol Lubicz Chojecki, Pamięć dzieł polskich. Podróż i niepomyślny sukces Polaków, fi rst published in Warsaw in 1789, reprinted one year leater (1790) in Supraśl, titled: Polak konfederat przez Moskwę na Syberię zaprowadzony. Razem wiadomość o buncie Puchaczewa.
The cycle of novels The Red Wheel, one of the most significant and yet least-known works of Alexandr Solzhenitsyn, offers a profound insight into the issue of national identity and relationships between Poles and Russians. The analysis of how Solzhenitsyn depicted Poles in the cycle, in terms of their being strangers or own people, is all the more interesting for the fact that it relates to a specific point in history. Indeed, in The Red Wheel novels, Solzhenitsyn provides a detailed description of the period of decline of the multinational Russian Empire, which, by extension, was a pivotal time in the history of the Polish quest for independence.
This article examines the history of the Moscow Sokol movement at the end of the 19th and beginning of the 20th century. The Sokol movement in Russia is here conceived as an example of translating a cultural practice from a Central European to East European environment. The Sokol movement originated and evolved in the Czech lands under very different historical and social conditions than those of that time in Russia. Assimilation to the different environment necessarily required implementing certain modifications. A milestone for the Russian Sokol movement was the founding of the First Russian Gymnastics Society in Moscow in 1883, which gradually transformed into a genuine Sokol club. Certain personalities had a crucial influence upon these developments. Starting in 1891 František Olšaník was the leader of the gymnastic organization in Moscow, and Ferdinand Karel Šnepp took over after him in 1901. It was these two who introduced many of the truly Sokol elements into the Russian gymnastics organizations. However, they did not manage to impress upon them all of the characteristics of Czech Sokol, nor did the groups taking shape in Russia even bear the name of Sokol. The Krajanský Český kroužek [Czech Compatriots’ Club] that was founded in 1902 also still did not have the word Sokol in its name, though it had much in common with the Czech Sokol movement. The era of the Sokol movement’s heyday in Russia came after the revolution in 1905, and it was associated with social transformations and with neo-Slavism.
The work reveals the circumstances of the appearance of the Poles in the North Caucasus and their stay in the captivity of the highlanders. The reasons for this phenomenon and the attitude of the Russian administration to the practice of the slave trade are shown. The article describes the fate of those people who were able to free themselves and find salvation in the Russian fortifications. It is suggested that, having experienced slavery, the former slaves changed their appraisal of the Russian state which, in this situation, was their protector and liberator. In the research, for the first time, the material identified in the State Archives of the Stavropol Region of the Russian Federation is introduced into scientific circulation.
The article analyzes the process of creating and functioning of two representative organizations of entrepreneurs – the Congress of Mining Industrialists of the South of Russia (1874, Kharkiv) and the Congress of Mining Industrialists of the Kingdom of Poland (1882, Warsaw). Both institutions were a form of activity of the regional economic elites and represented their socio-economic interests. After a comparative analysis of associations of mining industrialists in Ukrainian and Polish territories, the article highlights common features, their structure, forms of activity and representative powers. Based on the research, it was found that, despite strict government control, they played an important role in defending local interests and developing the industry they represent, and the fruitful cooperation of the Miners’ Congresses of the South of Russia and the Kingdom of Poland allowed for the implementation of the agreed and, above all, effective pressure on the state authorities of the Russian Empire.
The article is devoted to the history of entrepreneurship in Siberia of early 19th – early 20th century. Historiography of entrepreneurial activity in the largest region of Russia is poorly studied. The theoretical basis of the article is the theory of modernization. The main method of research is historiographical analysis. The article is based on the study of a wide range of scientific literature on the history of entrepreneurship in Siberia. The paper highlights the periods of study of entrepreneurship, the main approaches, research problems. As a result of the study, the authors come to the conclusion that nowadays there are both a large number of publications and genre diversity, and an increase in the source base of the breadth of research problems, the search for new methodological approaches. As a result of the work done, historians managed to accumulate a large amount of factual material, study the history of entrepreneurship in the region, cover almost all aspects of the life of Siberian entrepreneurs.
The article discusses legal situation of the Muslim community under the legislation of the Russian Empire’s central governorates in the 19 th century. Regulations in force within that territory were similar to those applied in other governorates of the Imperial Russia. This research is of a general nature due to the fact that detailed elaboration on Muslims’ situation which would include their legal, civil and political limitations could become an extensive monograph, especially if one would take into consideration that different parts of the Russian territory implemented its own legal solutions enforced by the contemporary social and political situation.
This article is about Russian Empress Catherine the Great, her relations with her son Paul and grandson Alexander and role that she played in their upbringings. When Paul, Catherine’s only legal son was born, he was taken from her by Empress Elizabeth. That – and the fact, that Paul blamed Catherine for the death of his father – resulted in the fact, that they never develops proper, familial relation. On the other hand, Catherine was very active and affectionate grandmother, primarily for her oldest grandson, Alexander. She wanted to raise him to become ideal enlightened monarch. She took care of his education and even wrote fairy tales for him herself. Paul hated mother with bitter passion. Alexander loved her, but her influence shaped also his negative features. Catherine had undoubtedly great impact on both her son’s and grandson’s lives, but in the first case – impact was definitely negative and in second case – only arguably positive.
JavaScript is turned off in your web browser. Turn it on to take full advantage of this site, then refresh the page.