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The article discusses fundamental trends in the economic policy in the Second Polish Republic. It encompasses the most important trends, successes and failures of that policy. The Polish State during the twenty years of independence after World War I played an active part in rebuilding of the economy destroyed by the war, in strenghtening of the Polish currency, in improving agriculture and industry. Some politicians used to emphasise that this policy was pursued out of necessity and had not a programme character. However, it is out of question that the state was committed to economic issues. Undoubtedly, building of the Gdynia harbour was one of the most exceptional achievements of the Second Polish Republic.
EN
This article deals with the question of the legal nature and model of education system in the Second Polish Republic, particularly during the “sanacja” period. Polish authoritarian state created an educational project in state schools founded on the basis of “civic” (“state”) education (which, however, evolved towards national education), simultaneously accepting the granting of the highest regard within national scholar system to religious education. “Sanacja” partially succeeded with its ideas, efficiently mobilizing the young generation of Poles into the fight against the external threat in 1939, but the efforts aimed at civic assimilation of national minorities did not produce the expected results. This program was a particular answer to the problem of state involvement in the national antagonisms and contradictions rending society. Nevertheless, the Polish government did not obtain the hoped-for and predicted results from this program, and was forced in the late 30s to return to the nationalistic course (not only in education policy).
EN
Most of the Polish interwar messianists was centered around Jerzy Braun and the journal „Zet” which was edited by him. One of the frequent topics raised by messianists was the independence aspirations of the Ukrainians. Braun and his colleagues didn’t deny Ukrainians’ rights to hold their own country, however, they insisted that they must refrain from undermining the borders of Second Polish Republic. In return, they offered help in winning independence for territories situated at the east side of Zbrucz River, while assuming that the only solution to release Ukraine from Soviet domination was by forcing it through war. They also deprived of hope those Ukrainian communities that were counting on German assistance in the implementation of the aspirations for independence, stressing that Germany treat Ukrainians instrumentally and will not allow to build a fully sovereign state. It was also emphasized that Germany, unlike the Poles, have no emotional ties with the Ukrainians, which could make them act in accordance with their interests. The cooperation didn’t finally take place due to hostility of the majority of the Ukrainian elite of the Polish country and the lack of strong communities who were ready to give up claims to ownership of Eastern Galicia. In addition, actions made by neighboring powerful countries, particularly Nazi Germany, made countries and nations of Central and Eastern Europe having to adapt to dynamically changing international situation. At the end of the 30s, opportunities for Poland to create a reality in this part of Europe became increasingly smaller.
EN
The author investigated the growth of interest in the idea of total state which was observable in Polish political thought in the 1930s. This visible development was a consequence of the infi ltration of foreign formulas which appeared in the interwar period in Fascist Italy, National Socialist Germany and, in a different version, in Soviet Russia. The crisis of a liberal democracy, readily apparent in Europe at the time, and internal conditions in the Second Polish Republic, characterized by the existence of numerous national minorities and sharp confl icts of social interests, also induced the search for new constitutional solutions. In light of this situation, there appears a question whether it looked like an idea of a totalitarian regime was to triumph in the Polish Republic? The detailed analysis of the relevant doctrinal enunciations and of the Polish cultural background (Catholicism) has led the author of the article to conclude that some interest in totalism, which peaked at the end of the 1940s, proved to be very superfi cial and ended in an option for a confessional state which was presaged by the “endecja” (National Democracy) project of the “Catholic State of Polish Nation.” Only a tiny nationalist group — so-called Falanga (Phalanx) — adopted a conception of “Catholic totalism” in which the Church and the institution of family were placed beyond the pale of political dominion. Grott states that only the Communist ideology and the ideology of the marginal neo-pagan, and at the same time collectivist, informal group Zadruga included the firm proposal to establish a total regime in Poland. The main reason for this unpopularity of totalism can be found in a fact that Catholicism which constituted one of the main components of the nationalist doctrine in Poland did not tolerate this system, perceiving it as a threat to the religion and the Church. The author also contends that the opinions of historians who accuse the National Democracy of supporting total solutions, lack foundation in scholarly sources and are either a result of the pressure of the Communist propaganda or a consequence of a deficiency of scientific method, the latter being an indispensable element of leading proper interdisciplinary research.
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