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EN
The study is devoted to the plans of the former Hungarian political elites for the inclusion of „new born“ Slovakia in Hungary. Several plans arose immediately in the period 1918 – 1920, when the „Slovak question“ was regarded primarily as a solvable task on the way to renewal the integrity of the historic Hungarian state. This fact was also reflected in the activities of the Budapest government circles, which established their own irredentist organizations and supported movements, which tried to undermine the idea of Czech-Slovak statehood. Especially the groups of emigrants, who had voluntarily or involuntarily left the territory of
Vojenská história
|
2022
|
vol. 26
|
issue 3
119 - 144
EN
The documents published by the author plastically reflect on the stark pragmatism of the top military representatives of the CS London emigration on the so called Slovak Question in the CS Armed Forces in the spring of 1945. This ultimately defined the actions of its top political leaders in dealing with it. Its military-political context and the most important nuances associated there with were first attempted to be comprehensively formulated by the Chief of the Czechoslovak Military Mission in the USSR, General Heliodor Pika. His report on the necessity of a compromise solution to the issue in question was successively commented on by the Head of the Military Office of the President of the Republic, General Oldřich Španiel, and the Commander-in-Chief of the Czechoslovak Armed Forces, General Jan Sergej Ingr. The reactions of the acting Minister of National Defence and at the same time the acting Minister of Foreign Affairs, Jan Masaryk, were a synthesis thereof to a large extent.
EN
The study is devoted to the plans of the former Hungarian political elites for the inclusion of 'new born' Slovakia in Hungary. Several plans arose immediately in the period 1918-1920, when the 'Slovak question' was regarded primarily as a solvable task on the way to renewal the integrity of the historic Hungarian state. This fact was also reflected in the activities of the Budapest government circles, which established their own irredentist organizations and supported movements, which tried to undermine the idea of Czech-Slovak statehood. Especially the groups of emigrants, who had voluntarily or involuntarily left the territory of the emerging Czechoslovak Republic, became substantially engaged in this direction.
EN
This study is an analysis of the views and conceptions of the Slovak national economists Imrich Karvaš and Peter Zaťko in relation to solution of the Slovak question in the thirties up to 6th October 1938. A further aim of the study is analysis of the concept of regionalism in the understanding of Imrich Karvaš and Peter Zaťko as a compromise approach between autonomism and centralism to solution of the Slovak question in the 1930s. The study also outlines the actual activities of I. Karvaš and P. Zaťko, which contributed to dynamization of the process of solving the Slovak question in the thirties: establishment of the magazine Politika, the conference of the young Slovak generation on 25th and 26th June 1932 at Trenčianske Teplice and their activity in Slovak economic corporations.
5
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EN
The Slovak question during the First Czechoslovak Republic appears to be a structured problem incorporating national, constitutional, economic, social, cultural and geopolitical segments. The national segment consisted mainly in the dilemma of either Czechoslovak national unity or Slovak specificity. The most important phenomenon that pushed the Slovak question in the 1930s to a higher quality level was the completion of the process of formation of the Slovak nation as a modern political entity. The main factors of this phenomenon consisted in positive consequences of the acceptance of democratic and civil principles by the Slovak community. Slovaks' maturing into a modern political nation can be best seen in the fact that while the national awakening in the 1920s was limited to the nation's political elite, in the 1930s the Slovak national and civil consciousness was spreading both horizontally and vertically. In the latter decade, the Slovak nation developed into a political entity, beyond the mere ethnic and linguistic features as it had been the case before. As to the geopolitical segment, Slovakia's role as a geopolitical phenomenon was increasing, particularly in the 1930s when the Nazis came to power in Germany. Within the social segment of the Slovak question the social problems (namely unemployment and the presence of Czech workers) emerged as an important source of anti-Czech nationalism. As to the cultural segment, the Slovak intellectual elite (with some minor exceptions) definitely rejected the attempts of applying the theory of Czechoslovak national unity to Slovak science and culture. The economic aspect meant that Slovakia wanted to equal Bohemia and Moravia in their economic level. An analysis of the Slovak political elite's approaches to the Slovak question shows that in the 1930s actually all Slovak political bodies were dissatisfied with Slovakia's position within the Czechoslovak Republic. As a result, primarily in the 1930s, the Slovak question became a much hotter problem compared to the previous period, mainly due to the fact that in that period of time the process of formation of the Slovak nation as a modern political entity objectively culminated and the dynamism of its formation increased.
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