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EN
Social scientists have long argued that political power is a key dimension of stratification, yet few empirically analyze political inequality or explicitly discuss the methodological implications of their measures of it. Political inequality is a distinct dimension of social stratification and a form of power inequality whose domain is all things related to political processes. It is a multidimensional concept – comprised of voice, response, and policy – that occurs in all types of governance structures. Conceptions of political inequality of voice reflect the well-established finding that position within the social and political structure impacts individual and group political influence. I argue that definitions and measures of political inequality of voice should focus on the extent of influence given its connection, but not reduction, to economic resources. This article proposes and evaluates cross-national structural measures of political inequality of voice based on the relationship between socioeconomic status and political participation. I explore the relationships between the measures and the rankings of European countries using data from the European Social Survey 2008 and the Economist Intelligence Unit Index of Democracy 2008’s “political participation” category.
EN
There are many arguments for the thesis according to which political views become “separated” from social structure, but there is also substantial evidence that the relation between them continues to exist and is not changing significantly over time. We refer to certain aspects of this process, using European Social Survey data of the years 2002-2010. The subject of our analysis is strength of the relation between voters’ preferences and electoral participation on the one hand and age, religion, immigration status and position in social hierarchy on the other in several countries in the indicated period. Our analysis results in the conclusion that political systems have a rather stable footing in social structure. In particular, there is no indication that in the years 2002-2010 the impact of social class on voters’ preferences was diminishing. Although class position is a relatively weak indicator of voters’ attitude, but the influence of religion, immigration and age is weaker still, even though these are taken to be the indicators of “new” social divisions, which supposedly blur traditional voting identities.
EN
Using the concept of subjective social distance we focus on perceptions of occupational categories. First, the theoretical concept of social distance is introduced as a tool for measuring social stratification. Second, subjective hypothetical interactional distances to 22 occupational stimuli are analyzed with data from the Social Distances 2007 survey. People rate the stimuli hierarchically analogous to occupational prestige and socioeconomic status; however some minor divergence can be detected. Further we focus on differences among gender and members of self identified social classes. The main part assesses the hypothesis of the existence of subjective social class boundaries. The status-continuum is shared by the whole public, yet we can identify mental categorization patterns of professional groupings which draw an intense boundary between white and blue collar professions. Further, four groupings regarded as subjective social class can be identified: higher professionals, female lower professionals, qualified and semi-qualified manual and non-manual workers, and unqualified manual professions with low prestige.
EN
Inconsistency and marginality are considered in modern sociology as different and unrelated phenomena, each with its own history of elaboration, conceptual and methodical principles. G.Lenski was first to pay proper attention to these phenomena and noticed, that an individual with low consistent status is marginal with characteristic for him social and psychological features. In the sequel, this thesis seems to be falling on deaf ears with a view to conceptual comprehension and proper methodical embodiment. So, it did not result in studies of inconsistency and marginality as distinct but coherent descriptions of one status. In the article, an attempt to comprehend this connection as typically-causal is undertaken. The inconsistency is interpreted as a cause, and marginality is viewed as a result within this relation. At the same time, they both are understood as two definitions of one status. Such approach makes it possible to unite theoretical and methodical facilities of these trends of research, as well as to trace the influence of separate descriptions of inconsistency on derived from them features of marginality. In particular, it results in dualism of marginal status, its similarity with other abutting upon him statuses by some status characteristics, dualism of attitudes of its bearers. The adjusted causal relation between inconsistency and marginality points out the perspective of further studies on this subject matter.
EN
The aim of the paper is to present the social and material situation of families from the commune of Potegowo (Slupsk area), which worked for the local state farms prior to their liquidation, and to assess the physical development of children raised by these families. Data relating to the analysed commune were compared with those characterising three other rural communes also located in the region of Pomorze (Borzytuchom, Kolczyglowy and Leczyce). All the named communes have a typically agricultural character. They differ, however, in terms of the number of state farms and private farms that operated on their territory prior to the introduction of the market economy in Poland. Potegowo was the commune that had the largest number of state farms, which operated in more than a half of its villages. The fall and the liquidation of state farms left the commune of Potegowo with the problem of high unemployment, low vocational qualifications and low level of education of its male and female population, of mediocre housing standards and a fairly widespread 'syndrome of a state farm employee'. The unfavourable social and material situation of families living in the commune of Potegowo impacted negatively on the level of biological development of children from the area. In comparison with children of the same age from other rural areas the young residents of the commune of Potegowo were far shorter. From the perspective of changes occurring during the life of a generation (secular trends) boys and girls from the commune of Potegowo will reach the present level of physical development of children from the communes of Borzytuchom, Kolczyglowy and Leczyce in about five years from now and that characterising children from the nearby town of Lebork in more than ten years from now.
Sociológia (Sociology)
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2014
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vol. 46
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issue 2
146 – 166
EN
Starting point in this article is Max Weber´s distinction between class and status as related but different forms of social stratification. John H. Goldthorpe argued that this distinction is not only conceptually cogent, but empirically important as well: class and status do have distinct explanatory power when it comes to studying varying areas of social life − economic security and prospects are stratified more by class than by status, while the opposite is true for outcomes in the domains of cultural consumption and political attitudes. Our research ascertained that distinction between class and status is empirically important in Slovak stratification as well, but there is not empirical evidence for assertion that varying areas of social life are stratified more by class or by status.
EN
In contemporary Central and Eastern Europe, the debate on class politics takes on a different form to that in the West - it concerns whether class divisions increase as the post-communist societies undergo transition to the market system. Using Polish survey data, containing information on respondents voting behavior in elections of 1991, 1994, 1997, and 2001, the autor presents evidence on significance of social class on voting behavior. Results of log-linear analysis show that class membership does indeed exert a significant impact on voting behavior. Although it changed across the time, in 2001 it appeared no less significant than in 1991. Also the patterns of this association remained unchanged. On the whole our evidence suggests that in Poland a new dimension of social stratification known as in sociological literature 'class politics' - has emerged. At the same time, claims of the class basis of voting in Poland cannot be exaggerated. The evidence presented here clearly indicates that the class-vote link in Poland is much lower compared with most of Western societies. Data from 17 countries found in allows to compare relative strength of this association European Social Survey 2002.
EN
The aim of this study is the estimation of biological effects of changes of economic conditions in Poland in 1967-2001. Rural girls aged 9.5-18.5 years were studied in 1967, 1977, 1987 and in 2001. The stratification of villagers (farmers, farm-workers and non-farmers) was based on the source of their family income. Age at menarche (AM), body height and weight were used as biological indicators of living conditions. During the decade 1967-1977, while a relatively good economic situation prevailed in the country, AM decreased (accelerated) by 0.64 years and distinct secular trends in height and weight were noted. During the decade 1977-1987, years of economic crisis, secular trends were arrested and age at menarche increased (decelerated) by 0.11 years. The study, repeated in 2001, showed positive secular trends in body height and a decrease (acceleration) in AM (0.24 years per decade), but in daughters of farmers, the AM decrease was twice as high as in non-farmer families. The latter group experienced acute unemployment after the political and economic system transformation (1989) AM appeared earliest in daughters of non-farmers, and latest in those from farmer families.
EN
This article, published in connection with the recent death of Otis Dudley Duncan (16 November 2004), sets out to provide a critical summary of the development - from its beginnings in the 1960s up to its final revision and modification in 1983 - of the socio-psychological model of the status attainment process. The article not only looks at the classic model of the social stratification process of Blau and Duncan, but also examines the influence of one of the founders of the socio-psychological branch of the study of social stratification, W. H. Sewell. Special attention is devoted to the development of the so-called Wisconsin model, primarily the work of William H. Sewell and his student, Robert M. Hauser, who, while as a student of Duncan also, considerably contributed to the use of structural modelling in sociology. The article concludes with a brief discussion of the main critical reactions to the socio-psychological model emphasising the 'allocational' paradigm of interpretation of the reproduction of social inequalities. The article should primarily help students of sociology gain an orientation in the massive amount of often poorly accessible literature on one of the most cited of sociology's 'products'.
EN
The present study deals with the following groups of questions which regarding changes in the social stratification system in Slovak society: 1. How has the social stratification system changed? Which of the classes has more members and which of them less? How do they differ? How has the relationship between gender and social status changed? 2. Do class members differ in their values, attitudes, needs, beliefs and lifestyles? Are these classes potential social classes with specific characteristics and features, making possible to create a class identity? The analysis is based on the results of social stratification research in Slovakia in 1993 - 2010. The theoretical basis was the Goldthorpe EGP class scheme. The first group of questions can be answered as follows: during the last twenty years the vertical social order has changed. The highest level - the level of service class, which includes higher-grade professionals and managers - was joined with the category of economically independent individuals, the category with the biggest increase of members. The most dramatic decrease of members was in the category of skilled manual workers. The long-term decrease in the proportion of agricultural workers continues. The differentiation between EGP classes is bigger and the income is not the only significant aspect. There is still a strong gender differentiation in social status; gender has a stronger impact on the amount of income than does EGP class. The answer to the second question is: members of the three EGP classes have different opinions on some of the basic economic issues and how to handle them. In addition, they also differ in how they deal with their own economic situation, and thus with an important part of their lives. It can be assumed that these classes (or at least some of them) may become real social classes.
Studia Historica Nitriensia
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2016
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vol. 20
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issue 2
533 – 546
EN
Research and reconstruction of social organization of prehistoric communities has belonged to actual and persistent topics in archaeology and related scientific disciplines – ethnology and social anthropology, since the beginning of scientific research. This contribution summarizes development of opinions and paradigms connected to identification and interpretation of social differentiation and stratification in archaeology. It also evaluates possibilities of finding those structures.
EN
This article examines the development of class voting in the Czech Republic, 1992– 2010. While many Western countries have been experiencing declining or stable associations between class and electoral choice, we hypothesize that the trend in class voting should be quite different in the Czech Republic, and by extension, in other post-communist countries. We theorize that if a country is undergoing a process of re-stratification – the process in which class-based cleavages and identities regain significance in a new market economy after a long period of their de-stratification by communist egalitarian policies – such a country should also experience increases in class voting in the new market environment. Using standard loglinear and logistic regression approaches, our analysis confirms that class voting has indeed increased in the Czech Republic, particularly from 1998–2010. That increase is large both in the gross effect of class as well as its effect net of the role of other demographic variables. The Czech Republic is therefore relatively unique among countries examined in the international literature on class voting in having increasing associations across several electoral periods.
EN
In contemporary Central and Eastern Europe, the debate on class politics takes on a different form to that in the West - it concerns whether class divisions in creaseas the post-communist societies under go transition to the market system. Using Polish survey data, containing information on respondents voting beha ior in elections of 1991, 1994, 1997, and 2001, the Autors presents evidence on significance of social class on voting behavior. Results of log-linear analysis show that class membership does in deed exert a significant impact on voting behavior. Although it changed across the time, in 2001 it appeared no less significant than in 1991. Also the patterns of this association remained unchanged. On the whole our evidence suggests that in Poland a new dimension of social stratification known as in sociological literature 'class politics' - has emerged. At the same time, claims of the class basis of voting in Poland can not be exaggerated. The evidence presented here clearly indicates that the class-vote link in Poland is much lo wer compared with most of Western societies. Data from 17 countries found in allows to compare relative strength of this association European Social Survey 2002.
Annales Scientia Politica
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2014
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vol. 3
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issue 1
52 – 58
EN
The acceptation of the environmental problems leads people towards the promotion of sustainable development as a mean that could help to overcome the predatory principle in the anthropologically orientated Euro-Atlantic culture. An important condition to achieve radical changes is to leave behind the consumption lifestyle and to create the mechanisms that will be able to achieve collective interests. This tendency has been shown in the market economy through the institute of Corporate Social Responsibility. This institute is a manifestation of introducing a certain form of the basic moral principles to the economical practice. CSR accepts the compliance not only of ethical standards and principles, but also social, cultural and environmental requirements for its own production.
EN
The article focuses on the changes in the determination of educational aspirations that took place in the Czech Republic during its social, political and economic transformation. The aim of the article is to contribute to a deeper understanding of the changes in the stratification system after 1989, which were significantly influenced by changes in the causal mechanisms behind the formation of educational aspirations. Those changes in the determinants of educational aspirations were themselves largely driven by the expansion of economic returns to education and thus the increasing significance of education for life success. The empirical research is based on a comparison of data from the 'Family '89' (Rodina '89) survey conducted in January 1989 and the Czech module of the longitudinal survey PISA-L 2003. The analyses were carried out with the hypothesis that the social origin of the background family had a much stronger direct impact on the educational aspirations of adolescents in 1989, while in 2003 social origin had a much stronger indirect influence. The stronger direct impact in 1989 was due to the very limited access to higher education under socialism and the role higher education played in the reproduction of the cultural elite. But with the gradual expansion of, and the rapidly increasing returns to, higher education during the transition period, social origin began to have a largely indirect effect on aspirations, particularly through the value pupils began to place on higher education as a means of ensuring a higher degree of life success. The authors' empirical findings confirm the hypothesis about the change from direct to indirect effects and highlight the importance of researching educational aspirations from a historical point of view and in the context of social change.
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THE TRUTH ABOUT CLASS INEQUALITY

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EN
A strongly recommended conclusion in sociology about trends in class inequality has been summarised by Goldthorpe as a high degree of 'temporal constancy and cross-national communality'. This conclusion, here called 'the stability thesis', was first challenged by Ringen in 1987 and again, on more methodological grounds, by Ringen and Hellevik in two papers published in 1997. These challenges resulted in a process of debate and reassessment. It is now possible to sum up and conclude. The stability thesis rests on empirical results from odds-ratio readings of mobility table data. The authority of this methodology is re-examined in terms of normative significance and statistical validity. Mobility table data which have generated stability thesis findings are reanalysed with the standard gini-index methodology in the study of inequality, then yielding different findings which contradict the stability thesis. The main conclusion is that the stability thesis can now be considered overturned.
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Content available remote

MEDZIGENERAČNÁ SOCIÁLNA MOBILITA NA SLOVENSKU

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EN
The paper offers actual findings on intergenerational social mobility in Slovakia, which is understood as mobility within a class-based stratification system. It relies on neo-Weberian definition of social class and – based on theoretical and methodological reflection on the most used class schemas – it employs European Socio-economic Classification (ESeC). The authors distinguish between absolute and relative social mobility, referring to distinction between mobility induced by structural changes and social fluidity defined as chances to become a member of certain social class. The aim of the paper is to identify basic patterns of social mobility among men and women, including patterns of social mobility within different age cohorts. Presenting findings could contribute to filling the existing gap in this important field of sociological inquiry. In terms of absolute mobility, the most frequent form of mobility is represented by upward mobility, consisting mainly of “long” mobility. Among men, salariat and qualified manual workers represent classes with the strongest tendency to closeness. Among women, it holds true for salariat, lower professionals, and unqualified manual workers. In terms of relative mobility, chances to move within stratification system are unevenly distributed, especially at the top and the bottom of social structure. As result, identified “upgrade” of social class structure didn’t lead to significant equalization of mobility chances to climb the stratification ladder.
EN
This article compares the determinants of political participation, from voting and signing petitions to boycotting, across 23 European countries, posing the question whether and to what degree social inequalities in political participation differ between post-communist and Western countries. The data for the analysis is from the second round of the ESS survey, conducted in 2004-2005. The analysis focuses on the role of education, occupation, and gender in shaping the chances of engaging in political action, while also controlling for a range of sociological, political, and demographic variables. Interaction effects between individual variables and a post-communist dummy variable are used to directly compare the statistical significance of the difference in coefficients between post-communist and Western countries. The article finds that the observed effects of the post-communist context are actually accounted for by the indirect effects of a number of individual-level variables. In particular, education, occupation, and gender have stronger effects in post-communist countries than Western countries on many forms of political participation; in other words, the post-communist countries exhibit somewhat larger inequalities in political participation than in the West.
Studia Historica Nitriensia
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2016
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vol. 20
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issue 1
243 – 251
EN
Servants represented a stable social and professional structure of the urban and rural society. The article is focused at the servant institution in a context of factors that caused the persistence of this social phenomenon in Slovakia until the beginning of the second half of the 20th century. It points also at the creation and development of servants as a social reality in the condition of an obvious status and wealth difference among the society. According to the examples of the current times, the author points at the actuality that labour for hire in social history presents an important part of the economic strategy in society.
Sociológia (Sociology)
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2012
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vol. 44
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issue 6
678 – 703
EN
The subject of this article is the EGP and ESeC class schemes and their validity for Czech society. The basic question is to what extent these two schemes identify differences in occupational conditions in Czech society. In the first part of the article, the author presents EGP and ESeC schemes, focuses on their theoretical grounds, and looks at the criteria that define social classes within these frameworks. In the second part of the article, the author tests whether these two class schemes really measure what they are supposed to – the criterion validity of EGP and ESeC is tested. After that, the author examines how much the two class schemes predict other social variables on the basis of theoretical expectations – the construct validity of EGP and ESeC is tested. Finally the author compares these two class schemes. He discusses which of them are more appropriate explanatory instrument of occupational inequalities and the consequent differences in life outcomes in current Czech society.
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