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EN
Poland has been facing increasing migration flows from the region of the South Caucasus, Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia, which might be regarded as surprising since the countries are not geographically proximate; something which constitutes one of the factors for motivation to migrate in migration studies. That said, the overarching objective of this paper is to shed some light on the mobility between the South Caucasus and Poland and to attempt to demonstrate that the current increasing migration flows from Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia to Poland can in no way be regarded as a coincidence. This is implemented on the nexus of two perspectives: 1) the historical background of the relationships between Poland and the countries in the South Caucasus accompanied by culturally, politically, and socially motivated mobility that might serve as a ground for continued flows between the two, and 2) the current migration flows from the South Caucasus to Poland in the light of existing policies based on some available, yet limited, data. As a result of the literature review, it becomes evident that mobility between Poland and the region of the South Caucasus goes back to the period before the Russian Empire ruled the region, driven mostly by trade exchanges, missionary visits, and political exiles.
EN
A conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan over the area of Nagorno-Karabakh seems to be 'one-way traffic' reaching no agreement. In fact, there is no chance of making a long-lasting breakthrough in the negotiations which means that the dispute will continue to destabilize South Caucasus for a long time. Despite the importance of the argument, there are no comments on it in the media or any academic publications. The issue of Nagorno-Karabakh has long since been treated instrumentally and used to accelerate feuds between the countries in Caucasus. The conflict of interests of so many players in the region of South Caucasus results in that the actual situation in the region - an originally ethnic conflict - became an element of geopolitical and economic game between Russia and the West (which, instead of hampering the escalation of the conflict, become its catalysts). The present article aims at analyzing the actual conflict in the most exhaustive way that is possible - from its origin, through the armed phase, up to the present situation in the region; with a special emphasis placed on the proposals to solve the dispute over Nagorno-Karabakh discussed from the point of view of interests of the countries directly or indirectly involved in the conflict. The article ends with an attempt to predict the future development of the situation in the region and to answer a question whether the parties will manage to break the impasse or the situation will remain stalemate.
EN
This essay pursues the onset of modern national identities of the Azerbaijanis and Armenians, which goes back to the last quarter of the 19th century; it was affected by the Azerbaijanian and Armenian elites' approach to their (historical) heritage of the Turkish, Persian and Russian empires and how they defined their attitudes towards them on the identity level. In a historical context that co-created the mentioned process, it analyses advancement of perceptions towards Russia and the Russians, Turkey and the Turks, Persia and the Persians in the milieu of the Azerbaijanis and Armenians, which subsequently affected formation of the modern nationalist perception of these two nations. The article thus concentrates on a period from the second half of the 19th century until 1920/1921, when a two-year long intermezzo of the Armenian and Azerbaijanian democracy ended and turned into a seventy-year long constituent of the Soviet Union.
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