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1

SYRIA – BEGINNING OF THE TRANSFORMATION PROCESS, 1970 – 1973

100%
Sorby Jr. K.
Asian and African Studies
|
2022
|
vol. 31
|
issue 1
124 – 140
EN
Israel’s military victory over the Arabs in June 1967 provoked a widespread reaction and a search for a way out throughout the Arab world and, in the case of Syria, led to the overthrow of the ruling regime. In the autumn of 1970 Ḥāfiẓ al-Asad seized power, and his regime represented the arrival of new elites from rural backgrounds to replace the traditional urban politicians and representatives of business circles. It was an authoritarian regime whose power base was the army and the Bac th Party. The sole ruler wielded absolute power and became the object of a personality cult. The regime adopted socialist-type economic policies and advocated egalitarian reforms.
2

SOVIETSKO-AMERICKÉ SÚPERENIE NA BLÍZKOM VÝCHODE V POLOVICI 50. ROKOV

88%
Sorby K.
Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy
|
2009
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vol. 2
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issue 1
48 – 61
EN
In the period after the Suez Crisis of 1956 the United States and USSR competed for control in Syria. However, the Suez Crisis provided also the decisive boost to Egypt’s position of Arab leadership. Sensitive of regional and international rivalries, Syrian politicians have tended to identify with the various contenders in their own struggle for power in Damascus. It should be remembered that Syrians have usually been in the vanguard of Arab nationalism. The „Syrian Crisis“ of 1957 was primarily the result of US apprehension over the nationalist, neutralist, and apparently pro-soviet direction in which Syria had moved during the mid-1950s. The United States, its NATO ally (and Syria’s neighbour) Turkey, and the pro-Western Arab governments in the region were all concerned about the developments in Syria. The United States attempted to prod its regional allies to take action to deflect Syria from its apparent leftward drift. Syria became a major topic of discussion at the annual meeting of the United Nations in the autumn of 1957, with the United States dourly warning of the dangers of Soviet expansion in the Middle East and the Soviets responding with accusations about aggressive US intentions toward Syria.
3

THE SEPARATIST PERIOD IN SYRIA, 1961- 1963

88%
Sorby K. R.
Asian and African Studies
|
2009
|
vol. 18
|
issue 2
145-168
EN
On 28 September 1961 a group of Syrian army officers rebelled and announced Syria's secession from the United Arab Republic. A new government was hastily formed from conservative (reactionary) Syrian politicians. Jamal Abdannaoir initially contemplated intervening, but changed his mind when all resistance rapidly faded to the coup. It was a time for his many enemies both in the Middle East and elsewhere to triumph. Western governments were delighted, but equally the leaders of Iraq, Jordan and Saudi Arabia did nothing to conceal their pleasure. However, pan-Arab emotion was a powerful factor in a further coup in Iraq on 8 February 1963. Syria's fragile government could not long resist the joint pressure from Cairo and Baghdad. Exactly one month after the Iraqi revolt, a military coup in Damascus swept aside all the men who had been in power since the break-up of the UAR.
4

SNAHA SÝRIE ZÍSKAŤ POSTAVENIE REGIONÁLNEJ MOCNOSTI NA BLÍZKOM VÝCHODE 1970 – 1976

88%
Sorby K.
Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy
|
2012
|
vol. 5
|
issue 1
81 – 93
EN
The Arab defeat at the hands of Israel in the June War prompted a period of soul-searching throughout the Arab world and led, in the case of Syria, to the overthrow of the existing regime. In Syria Hāfiz al-Asad seized power in 1970 and his regime represented the rise of new elites of rural origins at the expense of the established urban politicians and merchants. The regime was authoritarian, basing its power on the military and the Bacth Party. The sole ruler held absolute power and became the object of a personality cult. The regime adopted socialist economic policies and stood for egalitarian reform. For Hāfiz al-Asad, the persistent conflict with Israel took precedence over all foreign policy considerations. He believed that it was Syria’s duty to resist the Israeli threat and work in the cause of Arab unity. His regional policy was popular in Syria and helped to solidify his domestic position during the early years of his rule. However, his embroilment in the Lebanese civil war undermined his reputation both at home and in the wider Arab world. On 18 October 1976, Syria and the PLO accepted a cease-fire drawn up by Arab heads of state, and the worst of the fighting came to a halt. The terms of the agreement provided for the stationing of an Arab deterrent force to maintain law and order. In reality, the force was composed almost exclusively of Syrian troops whose presence enabled Hāfiz al-Asad to continue his efforts to shape the Lebanese situation to suit the needs of Damascus. However, his forces had become bogged down in a costly and indecisive military occupation.
5

LIBANONSKÁ OBČIANSKA VOJNA, 1975 – 1976

88%
Sorby K.
Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy
|
2011
|
vol. 4
|
issue 1
54 – 66
EN
In the years following the June 1967 War, the Palestinian-Israeli conflict intruded on Lebanese political life. This development, in combination with demographic and political changes taking place inside Lebanon itself, upset the country’s fragile sectarian balance and plunged it into fifteen years of vicious and destructive civil war. The civil war was not an exclusively Lebanese affair; it was precipitated by the Palestinian presence in the country and soon attracted external intervention by Syria and Israel, thus bringing to an end the attempts of Lebanon’s political leaders to insulate their country from the wider regional conflict. Support for the Palestinians came primarily from Muslims alienated by the existing system, which benefited the political leaders and their associates but failed to provide basic social services to broad sections of the population. The social and economic grievances of Muslims were compounded by the sectarian arrangements that continued to favour the country’s Christians. Long before the crisis of the 1970s, Lebanon’s political leaders recognized that Muslims outnumbered Christians and that the largest single religious grouping in the country was the Sh’ia Muslim community.
6
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To Learn and to Remember from Others: Persians Visiting the Dura-Europos Synagogue

88%
Daryaee Touraj D.
Scripta Judaica Cracoviensia
|
2010
|
vol. 8
29-37
EN
The city of Dura-Europos1 in modern day Syria provides a microcosm of multi-ethnic and multi-religious life in the late ancient Near East. Although there are debates as to the exact date of the conquest of the city, the year 256 CE appears to be the most plausible date in which the King of Kings, Sapur I took Dura.2 In the third century, the city was abandoned and so the life of Dura came to an end after more than half a millennium of existence.3 Its apparent sudden abandonment has made it a wonderful archaeological playground for studying life in the third century CE on the border of the Irano-Hellenic world of antiquity. The city had changed hands several times since its creation in the fourth century BCE by the Seleucids to when Mithradates II (113 BCE) conquered it and brought it into the Arsacid imperial orbit, where it emained for three centuries. The Arsacid control of a trading town or as it was once called a caravan town, works well with the story that Mithradates II, several years before the takeover of Dura-Europos, had concluded an agreement with the Chinese Emperor Wudi for trade cooperation. In the larger scheme of things, these activities, no matter how accurate the dating is, suggest the idea that the Arsacids may have been thinking of the creation of a large trade network as part of what modern historians have called the 'Silk Road'. Dura was subsequently conquered in the second century CE by Emperor Trajan (115-117 CE) and later, in 165 CE, by Avidius Cassius, after which it stayed in Roman hands for almost a century.
7

THE ASCENDANCY OF THE BACTH IN SYRIA (1963 - 1966)

75%
Sorby K. R.
Asian and African Studies
|
2010
|
vol. 19
|
issue 1
48-70
EN
On the 8th March 1963 a military coup of the coalition of Bacthist, Naoirist and independent unionistic officers brought down the 'secessionist regime' in Damascus. When the army took over, it set up a National Revolutionary Council under the chairmanship of Lt-General Lu'ayy al-Atasi, who invited one of the leaders of the Socialist Party of Arab Resurrection (the Bacth Party) Ialaaddin al-Bioar to form a government of military and civilian ministers. One of the first actions of the new government was to issue a statement in which they declared that their aim was to lead Syria back to reunion with Egypt, this time in company with Iraq. At the same time General al-Atasi declared that the army had been purged of secessionists, including former ministers. Shortly after, minority members in the Syrian officers' corps increased again strongly in numbers at the expense of the Sunnites. A principal reason for this was that the Bacthist military leaders who were involved in the coup had called up numerous officers and non-commissioned officers with whom they were related through family, tribal or regional ties, to consolidate quickly their newly achieved power positions.
8

SYRIA AND THE CIVIL WAR IN LEBANON IN 1975 – 76

75%
Sorby K. R.
Asian and African Studies
|
2011
|
vol. 20
|
issue 2
193 – 213
EN
After 1970 the PLO, driven out of Jordan, made Lebanon its operational base. It did not want to enter the civil war, but it sided with any group that espoused Arab nationalism and wanted to liberate Palestine. It was a Maronite militia’s attacks on the Palestinians that sparked the fighting in April 1975, committing the PLO to the Arab nationalist side. The Lebanese conflict was also a struggle between a privileged class of landowners and merchants trying to preserve the status quo and a large mass of poor people (mainly Muslim) striving for more equality. The two main Lebanese parties of the conflict were the Phalanges, a largely Maronite force, and the Lebanese National Movement which was mainly Muslim. The Muslim side won the support of the PLO. One puzzling aspect of this civil war was Syria’s 1976 policy shift. At first President Eafi al-Asad backed the rebels both morally and materially. He managed to get the Christians to accept a cease-fire, but the Muslim Lebanese, abetted by the PLO, rejected his proposed compromise. This rejection made Eafi al-Asad change sides and his forces battered the Muslims and the PLO into submission by the autumn of 1976.
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