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1

From Hebrew to Greek: Verbs in Translation in the Book of Ecclesiastes

100%

Gorton L.

Open Theology

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2016

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vol. 2

|

issue 1

EN

This article discusses the translation of verbs in the Book of Ecclesiastes from Hebrew into Greek. Each Hebrew verbal category is examined in turn. Qal perfective verbs are found to be primarily rendered via the Greek aorist indicative, while Qal imperfective verbs are translated primarily by both the future indicative and by the aorist subjunctive. Qal participles are rendered almost equally by Greek participles and Greek finite forms (usually present), while Qal infinitives and imperatives are rendered by their equivalents in Greek. With regard to other Hebrew stems, these general trends hold true, but it is noted that Piel and Hiphil verbs are translated overwhelmingly by Greek active forms (almost never deponent or middle), while the Niphal is predictably rendered by passive Greek forms. Besides these general trends, the article makes note of exceptions and oddities which help to elucidate the ancient translator’s understanding of both the Hebrew and Greek verbal systems.

2

Pole semantyczne rzeczownikowej formy αγιασμος w kanonicznych księgach Septuaginty

80%

Kucharski J.

The Biblical Annals

|

1998

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vol. 45

|

issue 1

55-89

PL

The subiect of the present article is the semantic field of the noun form αγιασμος in the canonical books o f LXX. The semantic shades of the term αγιασμος as it is used in these books, are derived and presented by means of a set of linguistic and exegetical methods. The results of the author's research may be brough to the following conclusions. 1. The nominal form αγιασμος appears in the canonic books of LXX nine times in total, of which six of the cases appear in a part of the Greek Bibie which is originally written in Hebrew. The appropriate fragments are: Judg 17, 3; Sir 7, 31; Jer 6, 16; Ezek 22, 8; 45, 4; Amos 2, 11. It also appears once in Sir 17, 10 – the text has been preserved only in Greek, and twice in 2 Macc, namely 2 Macc 2, 17; 14, 36, written straightaway in Greek. 2. The noun is question, as it appears in the biblica books of LXX translated from the Hebrew language does not have an adequate equivalent in the TM of the Hebrew Bible. In the course of the research it has also been proved that in three cases there are derivatires corresponding to this noun and deriving from the stem קדש that is קדש (hi) in Judg 17, 3; קדש in Ezek 22, 8; מקדש in Ezekl 45, 4. In Jer 6,16 it is the term מדגוע, which is derived from the stem רגוע and in Amos 2,11 the word נזיר derived from נזר. 3. The semantic analysis of the LXX-ian texts which contain the term αγιασμος shows that this noun appears as many as six times in a stricctly cultic context, namely in Judg 17, 3; 2 Macc 2, 17; 14, 36; Sir 7, 31; Ezek 22, 8; 45, 4 .4 . It has also been proved here that the nominal form αγιασμος in the canonical books of LXX is used both with people and things. 5. The people who are referred to by means of αγιασμος are the following; God-Jahwe himself (2 Macc 14, 36; Sir 17,10), the Jewish nation |(2 Macc 2, 17); the inhabitants of the capital of the Juda (Jer 6, 16) and nazireats (Amos 2, 11). 6. The shades of the semantic field of the noun αγιασμος when it is used in relation to people are „holiness”, „the state of being made holy”, „sanctification”. Metaphorically, one can also speak of the term αγιασμος as „a temple” or „a holy place”. 7. In the LXX-ian texts, in which the nominal form is used in relation to things, the referents are; silver (Judg 17, 3), the cultic sacrifice made to God (Sir 7,31), and a sanctuary, a temple or a holy place (Ezek 22, 8; 45, 4). 8. When the nouns form αγιασμος is used in relation to things semantic field covers the ensuing shades of meaning: „holiness”, „the state of being made holy”, „sanctification”, „a temple”, „holy place”. When the noun form αγιασμος is used in relation to things, its semantic field covers the ensuing shades of meaning; „holiness”, „the state of being made holy”, „sanctification”, „a temple”, „holy place”. 9. There is a certain clearly-observable regularity in the canonical books of the Greek Bibie of Old Testament, in the texts which contain the nominał form αγιασμος. The point is that in Old Testament the said term is always linked in its meaning with the person of God-Jahwe and speaks of Him that something is His possession (cf. 2 Macc 14, 36; Sir 17, 10) or that something is a result of His activity. What should be strongly emphasized here is that the phenomenon of the abovementioned regularity occurs in all of the previously-presented semantic shedes of αγιασμος (in particular „holiness”) both with people and things. 10. It seems that within the semantic field of the noun form αγιασμος, there are no particularly essential differences between the semantic shades of the word in books of LXX, which are originally written in Hebrew, and the semantic shades of this word in these books which are written and preserved till our times in Greek.

3

Pycha króla jako problem teologiczny w Księdze Machabejskiej (1,3)

80%

Nawrot J.

Poznańskie Studia Teologiczne

|

2010

|

issue 24

81-99

EN

Studies on IMacc 1,3a - a verse interesting on account of its historical context - lead to the conclusion that when remarking on the pride of the Macedonian King the author of the book uses the expression his heart was lifted, up not only as a reference to history, although history does confirm the king’s character. The quoted phrase has a highly theological connotation in the Bible and is used with reference to various characters who meet with an adequate response on the part of the God of Israel. The causes of human pride discussed in the article - success in life, riches and military victory - are by no means the only ones responsible for the increasing self-satisfaction felt by the characters. However, it seems that it is those causes of pride that most often threaten punishment to the willful.

4

Ku nowej koncepcji natchnienia LXX

80%

Mielcarek K.

The Biblical Annals

|

2001

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vol. 48

|

issue 1

5-25

PL

The article gives a short panorama of questions concerning the inspiration of Septuagint. A little sketch of catholic teaching on the inspiratlffin of the Scripture is a starting point of this paper. It is followed by two historical paragraphs devoted to both Jewish-Hellenistic and early Christian witnesses, who seem to support the idea of divine inspiration of the Greek text. Finally, some general issues debated by contemporary scholars are presented. In conclusion, not rejecting the TM as the basis for modern OT translątions, the author favours the idea of LXX’s inspiration. However, since the research on the LXX is still in its early stadium, one has to be careful not to give too precipitate answer in such a complicated matter.

5

Kniha Izaiáš v Prvním listu Korinťanům

80%

Tichý L.

Studia theologica

|

2018

|

vol. 3

15-23

EN

The Book of Isaiah is one of the most quoted or alluded to Old Testament books by the apostle Paul. The contribution studies these quotations or allusions in First Corinthians. The analysed passages are those on the outer margin of the critical edition of the New Testament Nestle‑Aland. The analysis confirms that Paul knew and used the Septuagint. His use of the Hebrew text cannot be confirmed with certainty. He may have also depended on a preexisting Greek translation of the Old Testament that was different from the Septuagint. Those of Paul’s citations which are at times relatively free are such because he quoted by heart and it is apparent that Paul was focused on the spiritual message of the Bible.

6

Řecké εὐαρεστέω („nalézt zalíbení/líbit se“) v LXX (v žaltáři i jinde) jako ekvivalent hebrejského הָלַךְ hitp. („procházet“, „chodit křížem krážem“)

80%

Chalupa P.

Studia theologica

|

2018

|

vol. 2

55-65

EN

The concept of walking in the sense of a specific way of life (the Hebrew verb hālaḵ hitp.) which pleases God forms the established tradition in the texts of the Old Testament and of the New Testament. This tradition influences (in the Psalms and outside the Psalms) the translation of the LXX. The translators into Greek have viewed the translation "walk" as insufficient in certain places. This is the reason why they interpreted walking with God (or before God) as gaining God’s favor (εὐαρεστέω as the equivalent of hālaḵ hitp.).

7

What Are the Maccabean Insurgents Fighting For? The Theological Meaning of νομίμων in 1 Macc 3:21

70%

Nawrot J.

The Biblical Annals

|

2023

|

vol. 13

|

issue 2

297-317

EN

In the discussed verse 1 Macc 3:21, there are two main motivations for the struggle of Judah Maccabee and his compatriots against the Seleucid army of Antiochus IV Epiphanes. The text combines the struggle for the physical existence of Jews with the defence of native customs established on the foundations of the Mosaic Law. There is a clear indissolubility of life and faith in the Jewish consciousness. One cannot survive without one’s own religious tradition, which is the basis of national identity. This article aims to explore the meaning of the Greek adjective νόμιμος, -η, -ον, appearing in the analysed verse of the the book, as substantive (τὸ) νόμιμον, "custom" especially in the plural τὰ νόμιμα, "customs, usages, norms". This term will be presented from a theological and historical perspective in search of an answer to the question about its content and implied meaning in the speech of Judah to his countrymen before the beginning of the battle of Beth-Choron. This content will be both the justification of the struggle undertaken and its importance in the history of Israel in the middle of the 2nd century BC.

8

Řecké slovesné kategorie v knize Ámos

70%

Mackerle A.

Studia theologica

|

2015

|

vol. 1

18-44

EN

The Greek text of Amos has been studied thus far primarily from the point of view of the textual criticism and of the correspondence of words and expressions between the Hebrew and Greek texts. The present article concentrates on the verbal forms (Greek tenses and aspects) used by the translator. The first reason is to determine his strategy in applying these grammatical tools. The second reason is to use this study to better understand the nature of his translation, since the Greek verbal forms used by the translator mainly pertain to the translation process, and only in a lesser degree to the Vorlage. The author argues that the way the translator uses the Greek tenses reveals his fairly solid understanding of the Hebrew verbal forms in his Vorlage, but also a certain degree of negligence within the context of the entire book, especially in terms of what follows.

9

Proč „nádeníci Efraima“? Několik poznámek k interpretaci Iz 28,1.3 v LXX

70%

Vlková G. I.

Studia theologica

|

2018

|

vol. 1

231-243

EN

The Masoretic version of Isa 28:1,3 speaks of the “drunkards of Ephraim”, while the Septuagint version mentions the “hirelings of Ephraim”. On the one hand, the difference can be easily explained: unvocalized שכרי אפרים enables a reading here of a word related to שׁכר (to be drunk) as well as to שׂכר (to hire). On the other hand, the scholarly discussion seems to ignore a quite surprising fact that the Greek translator decided to choose the less fitting interpretation of שכרי, considering the context of chap. 28. The paper attemps to ponder over possible reasons.

10

The Translation of the Septuagint by Rev. Prof. Remigiusz Popowski. History, Editions, Significance and an Analysis of Translation Strategy and Techniques

70%

Szela-Badzińska M.

The Biblical Annals

|

2024

|

vol. 14

|

issue 1

147-166

EN

Newer and newer Bible translations from original languages tend to appear regularly. Their authors pursue a plethora of strategies, from interlinear to philological to dynamic ones, taking as the source text not only the Hebrew, but also the Greek canon. Since the 1980s, the books of the Greek Bible have been translated into German, English, Italian, Spanish and French; ten years ago, this group was complemented by the Polish rendering made by Rev. Prof. Remigiusz Popowski. Though enthusiastically received, the text was not much researched. This article is intended to make up for this paucity and present the Polish text of the Septuagint from the perspective of its bibliological process and that of descriptive translation studies: a brief account of its historical background, the author of the translation, a record of editions and the significance for the Polish biblical milieu is followed by a closer analysis and exemplification of strategies and techniques adopted by the author.

11

Alliances between Israel and Other Nations in Light of the Pentateuch’s Prohibitions in the Greek Bible

70%

Nawrot J.

Poznańskie Studia Teologiczne

|

2020

|

issue 36

29-48

EN

The conducted exegesis of some particular verses from the Septuagint indicates that two initial covenants made between a representative of the chosen nation with a Gentile party (Abraham and Solomon) did not breach the obligations resulting from the Law of Moses. The theological portrait of Abraham in the Book of Genesis captures an unambiguous evaluation of his conduct in accordance with the Law although the Law itself appeared considerably later when Moses lived. The pact between Solomon and Hiram deserves a similar evaluation. However, the later covenants between the kings of Israel and Judah with Gentile rulers deserve an extremely negative evaluation. Although they did not formally violate the Mosaic prohibitions, they were evaluated as a violation of trust in the Lord as He was the only Partner of the covenant between Himself and the Israelites. Such an interpretation is possible especially in light of Deut 7:6 which accentuates the uniqueness of Israel as a nation chosen by God from among other nations. And because this selection of Israel was done on the foundation of the covenant made on the Mount Sinai, it should be a one-of-a-kind covenant that should not be replaced with another pact signed with a human being, and let alone a Gentile. In all of the cases above, starting from King Asa and ending with Archpriest Jonathan, there was a true violation of the rule whereby the Lord was the only Partner of the covenant with His people. Thus, each of the analyzed treatises met with valid criticism both from a prophet and the inspired author. It is difficult to treat these violations as a major breach of the faith of Israel because of the established diplomatic relations. However, it was the rule of God’s uniqueness as a foundation for any sphere in the life of the chosen people that was violated. It included the political sphere which should not be excluded from the chosen people’s faith.

12

Wartość "Septuaginty" w rozumieniu św. Hilarego z Poitiers

61%

Stanula E.

Vox Patrum

|

1984

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vol. 6

304-316

EN

Analyzing some of St. Hilary’s of Poitiers statements, included in the "Tractatus super Psalmos", we come to the conclusion that the objective value of Septuaginta depends on three things.

13

Izaiáš 6,9–10 v Masoretském textu a v Septuagintě

61%

Vlková G. I.

Studia theologica

|

2014

|

vol. 1

1-16

EN

This paper initially examines the importance of Isa 6:9–10 and its idea of divine hardening in the context of the entire Book of Isaiah. It consequently compares the Hebrew and the Greek version of Isa 6:9–10 and attempts to expose possible reasons on the part of the translator for his rendering of these difficult verses.

14

Żydowskie modele historiograficzno-egzegetyczne doby hellenistycznej w kontekście aktywności literackiej diaspory aleksandryjskiej

61%

Siwek K.

Warszawskie Studia Teologiczne

|

2018

|

vol. 31

|

issue 3

6-29

EN

The expression of Jewish identity in national and political terms is found in a wide range of writings and literary genres. The form which lent itself most readily to this purpose was undoubtedly history writing. History, as the story of the people’s past and origin, had always been highly valued in Judaism. Much of the biblical material has a “history-like” character in the sense that it tells the story of the people within a chronological framework. In the Hellenistic age the Jews had a new reason to retell the story of their past. The spread of Hellenism under Alexander the Great and his successors was accompanied, at least initially, by considerable Greek curiosity about the strange peoples of the East. A number of writers, such as Hecataeus of Abdera, Demetrius, Artapanus, Pseudo-Hecataeus and Eupolemus, attempted to satisfy it. They did express themselves in forms which might have been accessible to the Greeks.We may distinguish three main approaches to the past in the Jewish Hellenistic literature: the Septuagint as an example of religion work, chronicles and the historical romances, the epic and philosophical poets.

15

Výrazy pro lásku v Septuagintě a Novém zákoně

61%

Černušková V.

Studia theologica

|

2014

|

vol. 4

1-40

EN

Along with the previous article “Three Levels of Love in the Greek? Words of Love in Non-Christian writers and the Church Fathers,” published in ST 16,1 (2014), this paper provides a comparison between the semantic situation of classical Greek, the language of the Church Fathers and Biblical Greek. It specifically demonstrates that no (threefold) hierarchy of the terms of love has existed in any period. A comprehensive view of the wide spectrum of Biblical words for love is presented (it is not limited to agapan, philein, eran, stergein and related terms), and the usage of words of love in the Septuagint translations from the Hebrew and the New Testament is contrasted with the Septuagint books written in Greek.

16

Grécka lexikografia a Septuaginta. Príklad lexém δῶρον, δωρεά a δωρεάν

61%

Panczová H.

Studia theologica

|

2023

|

vol. 4

1-24

EN

This article provides an outline of the lemmata δῶρον, δωρεά, and δωρεάν under preparation for The Historical and Theological Lexicon of the Septuagint. The lexemes δῶρον and δωρεά are synonymous up to a point (a “gift” that is expected to be repaid in some way) but there is also a significant difference between them. While δῶρον also means “bribe”, “sacrifice”, and “tribute”, the expression δωρεά is used to denote a (royal) “gift of land”, “sponsoring”, and activity “pro bono”, where the collateral meaning is “free of charge, without payment”. This is also the meaning of the adverbial form δωρεάν. The preparation of this material pointed out the importance of papyri and inscriptions for Greek lexicography. It is especially the case of δωρεά and δωρεάν. This new research also found that the Liddel – Scott lexicon is incorrect in this respect: two classical places (Herodotus 5.23, Andokides 1.4) are given as the oldest testimonies of the adverbial δωρεάν, while in fact the meaning here is “gift of land” in exchange for services. The earliest testimonies of δωρεάν are therefore only the inscriptions and papyri.

17

Izrael wobec zakazu sprzymierzania się z poganami w wybranych tekstach Septuaginty: część I

57%

Nawrot J.

Poznańskie Studia Teologiczne

|

2019

|

issue 34

7-28

EN

This article analyses the problem of Israelites forming an alliance in diff erent times chiefl y de-scribed in the Pentateuch. Many existing exegetic commentaries lack a clear answer explaining the extent of the prohibition to ally with Gentiles described in Ex 23:32; 34:12; Deut 7:2 and Judg 2:2. The author wants to give a full answer to the question why the prohibition concerns only the nations neighboring Israel after the chosen people started to occupy the Promised Land; or perhaps it also concerns the Gentile nations that neighbored Israel. Should the prohibition be interpreted restric-tively or extensively? One should also defi ne the necessity of the prohibition, that is what it actually concerned - any sort of signing a pact with Gentiles or merely the realm of purity of faith so as to dodge the temptation of idolatry. An attempt to answer these questions will broaden the knowledge about these important times of the chosen people

PL

This article analyses the problem of Israelites forming an alliance in diff erent times chiefl y described in the Pentateuch. Many existing exegetic commentaries lack a clear answer explaining the extent of the prohibition to ally with Gentiles described in Ex 23:32; 34:12; Deut 7:2 and Judg 2:2. The author wants to give a full answer to the question why the prohibition concerns only the nations neighboring Israel after the chosen people started to occupy the Promised Land; or perhaps it also concerns the Gentile nations that neighbored Israel. Should the prohibition be interpreted restrictively or extensively? One should also defi ne the necessity of the prohibition, that is what it actually concerned - any sort of signing a pact with Gentiles or merely the realm of purity of faith so as to dodge the temptation of idolatry. An attempt to answer these questions will broaden the knowledge about these important times of the chosen people.

18

Przymierza Izraelitów z narodami w świetle zakazów Pięcioksięgu Biblii greckiej

57%

Nawrot J.

Poznańskie Studia Teologiczne

|

2020

|

issue 36

7-28

EN

The conducted exegesis of some particular verses from the Septuagint indicates that two initial covenants made between a representative of the chosen nation with a Gentile party (Abraham and Solomon) did not breach the obligations resulting from the Law of Moses. The theological portrait of Abraham in the Book of Genesis captures an unambiguous evaluation of his conduct in accordance with the Law although the Law itself appeared considerably later when Moses lived. The pact between Solomon and Hiram deserves a similar evaluation. However, the later covenants between the kings of Israel and Judah with Gentile rulers deserve an extremely negative evaluation. Although they did not formally violate the Mosaic prohibitions, they were evaluated as a violation of trust in the Lord as He was the only Partner of the covenant between Himself and the Israelites. Such an interpretation is possible especially in light of Deut 7:6 which accentuates the uniqueness of Israel as a nation chosen by God from among other nations. And because this selection of Israel was done on the foundation of the covenant made on the Mount Sinai, it should be a one-of-a-kind covenant that should not be replaced with another pact signed with a human being, and let alone a Gentile. In all of the cases above, starting from King Asa and ending with Archpriest Jonathan, there was a true violation of the rule whereby the Lord was the only Partner of the covenant with His people. Thus, each of the analyzed treatises met with valid criticism both from a prophet and the inspired author. It is difficult to treat these violations as a major breach of the faith of Israel because of the established diplomatic relations. However, it was the rule of God’s uniqueness as a foundation for any sphere in the life of the chosen people that was violated. It included the political sphere which should not be excluded from the chosen people’s faith.

19

Influence of the Septuagint on the Typological Interpretation of Joshua and His Deeds in Justin Martyr's "Dialogue with Trypho, the Jew

51%

Misiarczyk L.

Verbum Vitae

|

2021

|

vol. 39

|

issue 3

941-958

PL

Artykuł stawia sobie za cel wykazać, że interpretacja typologiczna postaci Jozuego i jego działania w Dialogu z Żydem Tryfonem Justyna Męczennika była możliwa tylko dzięki oparciu się na zhellenizowanej wersji Starego Testamentu zwanej Septuagintą. We Wstępie zostało przypomniane syntetycznie, że Justyn w Dialogu polemizuje z marcjonizmem i judaizmem, zaś w części 1 status Septuaginty w judaizmie i chrześcijaństwie antycznym a także metody interpretacji Starego Testamentu Apologety. W drugiej części Autor koncentruje się już na analizie odnośnych fragmentów Dialogu w których pojawia się interpretacja typologiczna Jozuego i jego działania. Wpływ Septuaginty na interpretację Justyna przejawia się w kilku elementach: imię Jozue, w j. hebrajskim יְהוֹשֻעַ, według Septuaginty brzmi dokładnie tak samo jak imię Jezusa Chrystusa ̓Ιησοῦς i jest podstawą prezentacji Jozuego jako typu Chrystusa; drugie obrzezanie Izraelitów przez Jozuego nożami kamiennymi po wejściu do Ziemi Obiecanej było typem i zapowiedzią duchowego obrzezania serca pogan przez Jezusa Chrystus od kamieni, czyli innych bóstw pogańskich i błędu świata; krew obrzezania w Gilgal była typem krwi zbawienia Chrystusa; noże kamienne (μαχαίρας πετρίνας) były typem nauki i słów Chrystusa, którymi obrzezuje serca pogan; stos dwunastu kamieni był typem wielu stosów pogan obrzezanych z fałszywego politeizmu. Zaś wzmiankowanie owego drugigo/ponownego obrzezania, które Justyn interpretuje jako typ rzeczywistego obrzezania dokonanego przez Chrystusa ukazuje nam Dialog jako najstarsze świadectwo wersji Septuaginty potwierdzonej przez kodeks Aleksandryjski (εκ δευτέρου w aparacie krtycznmy edycji Rhalfsa).

EN

The aim of the article is to argue that the typological interpretation of Joshua and his actions in the Dialogue with Trypho, the Jew of Justin the Martyr, was possible only thanks to the hellenized version of the Old Testament known as the Septuagint. In the Introduction it was synthetically recalled that Justin in Dialogue argues with Marcionism and Judaism, and in Part 1 the status of the Septuagint in Judaism and ancient Christianity, as well as his methods of interpreting the Old Testament. In the second part, the author concentrates on the analysis of the relevant fragments of the Dialogue in which there is a typological interpretation of Joshua and his actions. The influence of the Septuagint on Justin's interpretation is manifested in several elements: the name Joshua, in Hebrew יְהוֹשֻעַ, according to the Septuagint, sounds exactly the same as the name of Jesus Christ ̓Ιησοῦς and is the basis for the presentation of Joshua as a type of Christ; the second circumcision of the Israelites by Joshua with stone knives after entering the Promised Land was a type and foreshadowing of the spiritual circumcision of the Gentile heart by Jesus Christ from stones, that is pagan deities and the error of the world; the blood of circumcision at Gilgal was a type of the blood of Christ's; stone knives (μαχαίρας πετρίνας) were a type of the teaching and words of Christ with which he circumcises the hearts of the pagans; the heap of twelve stones was a type of many heathens circumcised from the false polytheism.

20

Theologization of Greek Terms and Concepts in the Septuagint and New Testament

51%

Mickiewicz F.

Verbum Vitae

|

2021

|

vol. 39

|

issue 3

751-769

PL

Gdy twórcy Septuaginty tłumaczyli na język grecki nazwy lub pojęcia związane z ich moralnością i religią monoteistyczną, zaś autorzy nowotestamentowi przekazywali w języku greckim naukę zawartą w Ewangelii Jezusa, często musieli nadać świeckim terminom greckim nowe, teologiczne znaczenie, przeniesione ze świata biblijnego. W artykule tym są najpierw przedstawione główne przyczyny i skutki takiej teologizacji terminów i pojęć greckich w Septuagincie i Nowym Testamencie, a następnie – na pięciu wybranych przykładach – są ukazane sposoby i kierunki teologizacji terminów, które odgrywają ważną rolę w orędziu autorów Septuaginty i Nowego Testamentu.

EN

Hellenistic literature, having great achievements in the fields of philosophy, drama, and poetry, did not know the theological concepts and issues which underlie the texts contained in the Hebrew Bible. So when the creators of the Septuagint, and then also the authors of the New Testament, used the Greek language to convey God’s inspired truths to the world, they were forced to give secular terms a new theological meaning, frequently choosing neutral words for this purpose, not burdened with negative associations. With their translation work, they built a kind of bridge between Hellenic and Jewish cultures. On the one hand, the Septuagint allowed Jews reading the Bible in Greek to remain connected not only with the religious heritage of their fathers, but also with the cultural values that were closely related to that language and its world. In turn, for the Greeks, who after some time began to appreciate this work and gained knowledge of its content, it opened vast horizons of new religious and spiritual values, which until then were completely alien to them. The work of the authors of the Septuagint was continued and developed by the authors of the New Testament, which added to their theological output many new religious and moral values arising from the teaching of Jesus Christ. That way they contributed considerably to the development of the Koinē Greek and significantly transformed the spiritual life of the people speaking the language.

Refine search results

From Hebrew to Greek: Verbs in Translation in the Book of Ecclesiastes

Pole semantyczne rzeczownikowej formy αγιασμος w kanonicznych księgach Septuaginty

Pycha króla jako problem teologiczny w Księdze Machabejskiej (1,3)

Ku nowej koncepcji natchnienia LXX

Kniha Izaiáš v Prvním listu Korinťanům

Řecké εὐαρεστέω („nalézt zalíbení/líbit se“) v LXX (v žaltáři i jinde) jako ekvivalent hebrejského הָלַךְ hitp. („procházet“, „chodit křížem krážem“)

What Are the Maccabean Insurgents Fighting For? The Theological Meaning of νομίμων in 1 Macc 3:21

Řecké slovesné kategorie v knize Ámos

Proč „nádeníci Efraima“? Několik poznámek k interpretaci Iz 28,1.3 v LXX

The Translation of the Septuagint by Rev. Prof. Remigiusz Popowski. History, Editions, Significance and an Analysis of Translation Strategy and Techniques

Alliances between Israel and Other Nations in Light of the Pentateuch’s Prohibitions in the Greek Bible

Wartość "Septuaginty" w rozumieniu św. Hilarego z Poitiers

Izaiáš 6,9–10 v Masoretském textu a v Septuagintě

Żydowskie modele historiograficzno-egzegetyczne doby hellenistycznej w kontekście aktywności literackiej diaspory aleksandryjskiej

Výrazy pro lásku v Septuagintě a Novém zákoně

Grécka lexikografia a Septuaginta. Príklad lexém δῶρον, δωρεά a δωρεάν

Izrael wobec zakazu sprzymierzania się z poganami w wybranych tekstach Septuaginty: część I

Przymierza Izraelitów z narodami w świetle zakazów Pięcioksięgu Biblii greckiej

Influence of the Septuagint on the Typological Interpretation of Joshua and His Deeds in Justin Martyr's "Dialogue with Trypho, the Jew

Theologization of Greek Terms and Concepts in the Septuagint and New Testament