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1
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Instytucja referendum ogólnokrajowego na Słowacji

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EN
The author examines comprehensively the issue of nation-wide referendum in the Slovak Republic as a form of direct democracy by which citizens exercise their voting rights. The article is the first comprehensive publication on this subject in the Polish literature, both in the theoretical and practical aspects. It describes the current legal situation (constitutional and statutory provisions), the case law of the Constitutional Tribunal in this respect and the practice of implementation of this measure – since the country’s independence until today. Both the strengths and weaknesses of the applied regulations are shown. The author also discusses the legal and technical measures associated with holding a nation-wide referendum as well as ex post and ex ante procedures used in referendum. In the final part he reflects on the fate of the referendum in Slovakia and the potential solutions that would improve the implementation of broad public participation in decision-making on the most important affairs of the state.
EN
The objective of this paper is to clarify the real impact of the TARGET 2 imbalances that emerged for the eurozone as a whole and reveal its consequences for the National Bank of Slovakia. The main aim of this study is to try to finally close the discussion among well-known European economists about the real effects of disproportional flows of funds (in central bank money) between eurozone states. Opinions on this issue have been amended a few times and we should first make clear whether rising TARGET balances are accompanied by increasing risk for the stability of the monetary union. We understand the term “risk” to mean the prospect of loss. After introductory remarks on the fundamentals of payment settlement via a correspondent bank and via a payment system, we will review the conclusions of specialists discussing the problem of payments. These diverse outcomes also motivated the author to exhaustively specify the risks to the eurozone as well as the National Bank of Slovakia. That is why we analyse the fundamentals of payments in the first place. After closing the debate with a prospective loss analysis, we dismantle the real implications of imbalanced payments, evaluating the experience of the National Bank of Slovakia.
PL
W niniejszym opracowaniu przedstawiono historię wejścia Słowacji do strefy Euro. Przeanalizowano pierwsze efekty z przyjęcia nowej waluty na podstawie najnowszych danych z gospodarki. Celem badania było przedsyskutowanie spodziewanych korzyści, jak np. elimiacja ryzyka kursowego, spadek kosztów transakcyjnych, stabilność cen, wzrost wymiany handlowej i poprawa wiarygodności kredytowej. Te efekty oczekiwane dzięki przyjęciu euro zostały skonforntowane z bieżacymi danymi z rynku. Ostatecznie postawiona została hipoteza, mówiąca, że pozytywne efekty z przyjęcia nowej waluty są głównie skutkiem tego, że Słowacja jest małym krajem. Metodologia użyta w niniejszym opracowaniu oparta jest przede wszystkim na krytycznym przeglądzie literaturowym najnowszych publikacji.
EN
Today, when NATO’s principle of collective defence has regained importance, we find ourselves “in,” but “without.” We all know what needs to be done and what would be a security gamble. We have to make the necessary strategic decisions, instead of turning a blind eye to our already collapsing armed forces and fading good name.
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The author has tried to bring significant contributions and interesting suggestions, which were presented at a seminar taken during the ending of the European Year for Active Ageing and Intergenerational Solidarity 2012. Institute of Philosophy, Czech Republic, Department for the study of science, technology and society organized on 30 November 2012 at the premises of the conference center of the Philosophical Institute in Prague seminar of the series "Bioethics and civil society" to mark the ending of the European Year of Active Ageing and Intergenerational Solidarity in 2012 under the name aging society and its ethical problems. The seminar opened the Philosophical Institute Director Paul Baran, who likened aging to silver economy. The seminar was divided into three thematic units (news, view of old age and practical contexts), which has been said a few interesting posts.
EN
The following article focuses on German language islands in Slovakia. These areas have been inhab- ited and influenced by Germans for centuries. In this case, special attention is paid to one specific area - the Hauerland. This language island in the middle of Slovakia exists today only rudimentarily. The main aim of this article is to describe the historical evolution of the aforementioned islands of Slovakia, the origin of their dialects and their characteristics. The focus will be on the village of Ma- linová (Zeche) and its dialect, which is part of a more extensive research. The aim of further research is to describe the morphological level of this dialect, which has not yet been done. At the first sight, there are some major shifts not only on the morphological level, but also on the syntactic one. In this context, reference can be made to the grammatical mood, especially the subjunctive and its forms, which could be considered quite unusual. The Slovak language, which has been the main contact language for the Zeche dialect, has influenced it severely, not only on the two mentioned levels of grammar, but also in its lexicon. The linguistic analysis has been based on a series of free interviews, that were recorded specially for this purpose with the oldest living speakers of the Zeche dialect. These transcribed interviews form the main corpus, which serves as a database for further linguistic analyses. The dialects of Hauerland are threatened by extinction as the number of their speakers is constantly declining. This research of the Zeche dialect should help to ensure that the knowledge of the structures of these dialects is preserved within German dialectology.
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In the following article I explore how a body of selected historical events and processes are constructed and utilized by local authorities and cultural institutions in former mining city of Banská Štiavnica, Slovakia. I focus on local narratives and practices which I perceive as a local historical discourse. I argue that this discourse is a main source of metaphors constructing local identity and depicting local material and nonmaterial cultural heritage. I recognize the following metaphors: “the myth of pioneers and longue durée” and „the rhetoric of fight: fight against nature and history”. These key-metaphors serve as a guide for explorations of local identity and city` cultural roots.
EN
Fundamental changes that occurred in Central and Eastern Europe (including Slovakia) in recent two decades have caused that regional policy as well as regional development has become one of the hottest national policy issues. If one connects this issue with the existence of regional disparities, there is no surprise that also the EU considers this topic an extra important one. Various scholars point out that innovation policy is the right path how to achieve sustainable regional development and how to improve competitiveness of less developed regions. This article is aimed particularly at the innovation policies of the Slovak self-government regions and their outcomes.
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Etnická homogamie na Slovensku v letech 1992 až 2012

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EN
This article is concerned with ethnic homogamy in Slovakia. The authors set out from the assumption that ethnic homogamy is an indicator of the degree of ethnic tolerance and multiculturalism in society. Greater ethnic homogamy indicates larger social distances between ethnic groups, and vice versa. The authors analyse data from the Statistical Office of the Slovak Republic. The data include all marriages between 1992 and 2012 in Slovakia categorised by the ethnicity of the spouses. The authors test hypotheses about the trends in both absolute and relative ethnic homogamy and find that marriages in Slovakia are strongly structured by ethnic homogamy. The probability of ethnically heterogamous marriage varies among ethnic groups; however, it does not increase for any of the ethnic groups over the period of analysis. Members of different ethnic groups have not grown socially closer and interethnic distances have not decreased due to marriage.
EN
Pedagogical practice is the most important and useful part of university studies; it is an integral part of teacher training. Due to the fact that Slovak pupils achieve average to below average results in international studies, and the education of the younger generation is the task of the teacher, the paper deals with practical training of future teachers in Singapore – one of the best education systems in the world. It describes the practical training of students in Singapore, compares it with the practical training of Slovak students, and offers incentives for innovation in the current education system.
PL
Analizując główne problemy w bilateralnych relacjach słowacko- -węgierskich w latach 1993–2002 można dojść do wniosku, że barier na drodze do porozumienia było w analizowanym okresie bardzo wiele. Wielowiekowa zależność Słowaków od Węgrów spowodowała wzrost tendencji nacjonalistycznych wśród polityków i społeczeństwa słowackiego. Kolejnymi czynnikami, które wpływały na wzajemną niechęć były postanowienia traktatu w Trianon, Dekrety Beneša , sytuacja mniejszości węgierskiej na Słowacji, spór wokół zapory wodnej na Dunaju oraz stanowisko ugrupowań nacjonalistycznych. Najgorzej sytuacja przedstawiała się w okresie rządów Vladimíra Mečiara (1993–1998). Działania tego rządu spotkały się z reakcją ze strony rządu węgierskiego a także Unii Europejskiej, Organizacji Bezpieczeństwa i Współpracy w Europie oraz Rady Europy. Konsekwencją tej polityki był fakt, że Słowacja nie została zaproszona podczas szczytu w Luksemburgu (1997 r.) do rozpoczęcia negocjacji akcesyjnych z UE. Podobnie sytuacja przedstawiała się w kontekście wejścia do Sojuszu Północnoatlantyckiego: podczas gdy Czechy, Polska i Węgry zostały zaproszone do członkowska w Madrycie w 1997 r., Słowacja pozostała na marginesie. Rządy Mečiara to również okres kryzysu Grupy Wyszehradzkiej w ramach której mogłoby dochodzić do rozwiązywania wielu problemów bilateralnych. Wydawać by się mogło, że po wyborach 1998 r. i zmianie rządów na Słowacji dojdzie do normalizacji we wzajemnych stosunkach. Ważną ku temu przesłanką był skład koalicji rządowej, gdzie znaleźli się słowaccy Węgrzy czy powołanie mieszanych komisji mających rozwiązać najbardziej palące problemy. Oba państwa zmuszone były do współdziałania w celu osiągnięcia priorytetów w polityce zagranicznej, jakimi była chęć wejścia do Unią Europejską i Sojuszem Północnoatlantyckim. W tym też celu odnowiono współpracę w ramach Grupy Wyszehradzkiej. Powstaje pytanie, czy był to ten czynnik, który spowodował normalizację wzajemnych stosunków? Wydaje się, że nie. Oba państwa osiągnęły swój najważniejszy cel i do tego niezbędna była współpraca. Nie zmienia to faktu, że również w okresie rządów Dzurindy dochodziło do wielu zadrażnień nie związanych już bezpośrednio z posunięciami rządu w Bratysławie, ale raczej obciążeniami z przeszłości. Kolejnym aspektem były rządy na Węgrzech Viktora Orbana oraz stanowisko skrajnie nacjonalistycznych partii politycznych.
EN
When analyzing the main problems in the bilateral Slovak-Hungarian relations in 1993–2002 it can be concluded that there were many barriers to an agreement in that period of time. Centuries-long Slovak dependence on Hungary increased the nationalistic tendencies among politicians and the Slovak society. Other factors that affected the mutual antipathy were provisions of the Treaty of Trianon, Benes Decrees, situation of Hungarian minority in Slovakia, the dispute over the dam on the Danube and the position of nationalist groups. The worst situation was during the rule of Vladimír Mečiar (1993–1998). This government’s actions met with a response from the Hungarian government, the European Union, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe and the Council of Europe. The consequence of this policy was the fact that Slovakia was not invited to the summit in Luxembourg (1997) to start negotiations with the EU. Similar situation happened in the context of the entry into the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO): while the Czech Republic, Poland and Hungary were invited to become member in Madrid in 1997, Slovakia remained as an outsider. Mečiar’s regime was also a period of crisis within the Visegrad Group which could have claimed to solve many bilateral issues. It would seem that after the elections in 1998 and the regime change in Slovakia it could come to the normalization of mutual relations. An important prerequisite for doing so was a coalition government, which included the Slovak Hungarians or with the establishment of a mixed commission to solve the most urgent problems. Both countries were forced to work together to achieve the priority in foreign policy, which was to enter the European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. For this purpose, the cooperation within the Visegrad Group was renewed. The question is whether it was this factor that caused the normalization of relations? It seems not. Both countries achieved their primary goal, and this cooperation was necessary. It does not change the fact that also during the Dzurinda government, there have been many frictions no longer directly associated with the activities of the government in Bratislava, but rather with the burden of the past. Another aspect was Viktor Orban’s former government in Hungary and the position of the extreme nationalist political parties.
EN
The study focuses on two Slovak corruption cases, both well-documented and of similar social relevance, of which one did not receive any cross-media coverage. Moreover, the case of large-scale bribery was rather under-hyped in comparison to other major corruption scandals occurring in the country. The case of cronyism formed a typical example of extremely poor inter-media coverage of highly unfair and politicised cronyism. Through these cases, especially in the one in which the media failed to stimulate the creation of a full-blown scandal, the study further analyses the criteria and circumstances that determine the worthiness of a case for wide media coverage. The study on Slovakia is framed within theories of scandalous reporting and the theory of agenda setting and inter-media agenda setting role of the media, and supported by quantitative analysis of actual media coverage of the bribery case.
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This article presents a case study of the Slovak feminist organisation ASPEKT, the oldest and one of the most significant advocates of gender equality in the region. While challenging the theoretical presumption that new media and digital technologies are detaching us from our historical and socio-political context and thereby leading to greater homogenisation, it focuses on the way in which the organisation approaches and makes sense of these new platforms and tools in relation to their specific history and political beliefs. It elaborate on topics such as the tension between the effort to remain creative and independent in times of increasing bureaucratisation of funding opportunities, or making full use of the potential of new online platforms yet staying true to one’s original standards and values. It aims to highlight the following: That even though digital technologies are a global phenomenon which – organisationally and symbolically speaking – transcend time and space, the way we approach digital technologies and new media, the meaning and potential we ascribe to them, is culturally and historically specific.
EN
The article concerns the analysis of the political situation in the Slovak Republic and the formation of the party system. In the analysed period, the process of decomposition of the Czech and Slovak Federal Republic took place, or actually, the culmination of this process. The study is based on the assumption that in the analysed period there were many divisions observed on the political scene, which were the result of the lack of a stable political structure. In the article author uses the method of historical and institutional analysis.
EN
The socio-political events of 1945-1956 are characterised by several phenomena that significantly marked the formation of tertiary education in Slovakia and determined its subsequent development. In the first years after the end of the war, attempts at political, economic, or cultural contacts with Western countries could still be observed in several Central European countries for some time. Universities maintained their traditional internal academic structure, organisation of student enrolment, content of studies, etc. This situation was mainly fostered by the needs of the country's reconstruction, which at the same time masked the political pragmatism of the new, but not yet fully strengthened, people's democratic regimes. Gradually, they became a priority concern of the Communist Party, whose aim was to gain ideological control over them. Soviet influence in education was exercised in the spirit of communist ideology, centralized state planning, and a bureaucratically controlled process of education marked by ideological influences. The paper aims to analyse the basic changes in educational models and specific features of Slovak higher education systems after the bipolar division of the world.
EN
The year 1943 is generally considered to be a significant milestone in the history of the World War II. Events occurred in 1943 had a worldwide impact. Defeats of the Axis forces at the Eastern Front left a remarkable trail on the pro-Nazi regime in Slovakia as well. The paper analyzes how the Hlinka Guard, an influential political organization and a symbol of deep Nazi collaboration, coped with this new situation. The author sketches its ambitions in the political field which included continuing calls for the Final Solution of the Jewish question, conflicts with the Hlinka´s Slovak People´s Party and also internal disputes of the Hlinka Guard´s representatives about future direction of the organization. As he notices, in 1943, depending on attitudes of the guardsmen towards the political situation in Slovakia and abroad, three informal cliques were formed within the HG. The first group subsuming most of the grass-roots rather withdrew from politics. The rest two led by the head commander Alexander Mach and his rival Otomar Kubala had been fighting for power, trying to attract also the guardsmen who, disappointed and “betrayed”, sooner quit with their involvement in the HG. However, none of them achieved a notable success and thus a deadlock persisted until August 1944 when the Slovak National Uprising broke out and the HG underwent a total transformation.
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Content available remote

Validation of populist attitudes scales in Slovakia

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Objectives. Research on populism has pro-gressed over the last decade and several scales have been proposed to measure populist at-titudes. None of these has been validated in the context of Slovakia, where populists are a long-term part of both coalition and opposition. This study aimed to verify the psychometric properties of four populist attitudes scales that are frequently used and verified in international research, on a Slovak sample. Participants and setting. Data of 832 respond-ents collected using an online panel in Novem-ber 2021 were analyzed using the R software. The research sample was representative accord-ing to the distribution of gender, age, education, and regions in Slovakia. Statistical analysis. The original scales were tested using an exploratory dataset (N = 416). The modified scales were verified using a con-firmatory dataset (N = 416). Results.The results showed that the original scales did not fit the data. However, after several modifications, the two scales were validated on the Slovak sample. The scales were invariant across the gender, age, and educational groups. Limits. A possible shortcoming of the validated populist attitudes scales is the instability in pre-dicting electoral behavior, which is discussed in connection with the results of other studies, and the Slovak political and cultural context.
PL
This article discusses the ethnopolitics of Vladimír Mečiar’s government in Slovakia in the period of years between 1994-1998, with a particular focus on the Hungarian minority. The introduction outlines ethnic heterogeneity in Slovakia, giving a brief historical background for some minorities. The next part covers the result of the 1994 parliamentary election, which led to the formation of the HZDS-SNS-ZRS coalition government headed by Vladimír Mečiar as Prime Minister. The study also includes the ideological profiles of the governmental parties, which are linked by strong accentuation of nationalism and statism. The article seeks to analyse the ethnopolitics of the government in the above-mentioned election term, evaluate its positive and negative aspects. In particular, the affairs, new legislation adopted and its impact on the largest Hungarian minority living in Slovakia.
EN
The article concerns an analysis of the political situation in the Slovak Republic between the years 1992–1994 and the formation of the legal and state system. In the analysed period, the process of decomposition of the Czech and Slovak Federal Republic took place or, to be more precise, the finalisation of this process. The study is based on the assumption that in the analysed period there were many divisions observed on the political scene, which was the result of the lack of a stable political structure.
EN
This submission is focused on examination of foreign trade relations development between Slovakia and the CIS countries. It highlights the importance of these countries in the Slovak foreign trade. Slovakia is a country that is highly dependent on the international exchange of goods. On the one hand, Slovak developed manufacturing industry demands raw materials, and on the other hand is being forced to seek an outlet for its production. Although the most important business partners of Slovakia are the EU countries, CIS countries represent an important and sufficiently perspective market. Significant part of solved issue consists of examination of the Slovak foreign trade development and analysis of the Slovak foreign trade relations with the CIS countries. The result of the assessment is evaluation and identification of further opportunities for penetration of Slovak exports to those markets and potential improvement of mutual investment relations in the context of current geopolitical changes in the international business.
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