Search results

1

The Europeanisation of the Local Self-Government in the South Caucasus

100%

Czachor R.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

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2022

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issue 2 (51)

30-47

EN

The following paper employs a normative approach and focuses on the problem of the current state of the local self-government in the South Caucasus countries: Georgia, Armenia, and Azerbaijan. Since all these countries are members of the Council of Europe, a reference point for decentralisation is the European Charter of Local Self-Government. The paper's main thesis is that despite showing some similarities, the countries have introduced different models of decentralisation that do not fully meet the Council of Europe’s criteria. Such variation is in line with the different political systems of these states and their level of democratisation. The more democratic the state is, the stronger the decentralisation it has adopted. Thus, decentralisation in Georgia follows the European model of public policy, while Azerbaijan is preserving the former Soviet model of weak self-government, with central authorities playing the leading role in public services. The current changes in Armenia’s model resemble the Georgian track of reforms. The findings of this paper may be applicable both in further theoretical research and in implementing reforms of local self-government in various post-Soviet states.

2

THE EU’S EASTERN PARTNERSHIP IN THE SOUTH CAUCASUS: USING GEORGIA AS A MODEL TO UNDERSTAND REFORMS AND SECURITY CHALLENGES

100%

Zasztowt K., Kopcewicz G., Olszanecka N., Urbański D., Piechowiak-Lamparska J., Bryc A., Bojarczyk B., Jorgensen F. A. E., Niedziołka D., Pacześniak A., Potorski R., Wincławska M., Włodkowska-Bagan A., Jeran A., Mol A., Solsbery A., Dąbrowska I., Głodkowski M., Kopcewicz G., Olszanecka N., Piechowiak-Lamparska J.

The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies

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2017

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issue 2

PL

The main goal of the Eastern Partnership (EaP) is political and economic stabilization of the region threatened both by its post-Soviet systemic predicaments such as weakness of state institutions, the gap between the ruling oligarchy and citizens and corruption, and by Russia’s attempts to maintain or extend its sphere of influence, which involves fomenting separatist tendencies of minorities and promoting anti-EU narratives. Among the six EaP countries, Georgia is most advanced in implementing reforms; however, there is still immense work to be done, despite the EU’s economic and technical support. Another aspect of the EU’s involvement in the region is the security dilemma whether to accept Russia’s influence in the former Soviet republics together with authoritarian models of governing or to make efforts towards democratization of those countries, risking the increase of Russian hostility, an example of which could be seen in 2014 conflict with Ukraine.

3

Energy issues in the European Union’s foreign policy towards the states of the South Caucasus

88%

Willa R., Kopcewicz G., Olszanecka N., Urbański D., Piechowiak-Lamparska J., Bryc A., Bojarczyk B., Jorgensen F. A. E., Niedziołka D., Pacześniak A., Potorski R., Wincławska M., Włodkowska-Bagan A., Jeran A., Mol A., Solsbery A., Dąbrowska I., Głodkowski M., Kopcewicz G., Olszanecka N., Piechowiak-Lamparska J.

The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies

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2018

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issue 1

EN

The Common Foreign and Security Policy is one of these areas of the European Union’s activity which arouses wide interest due to the broad spectrum of issues addressed there (i.a. democracy, the rule of law, trade, and issues related to civil, military and energy security) as well as to continuous evolvement of the Policy itself. Thus this area provides an abundance of issues to research on, discuss and assess, while professional diplomats regard it as a vital tool for attaining common goals that are significant from the perspective of a larger whole rather than only that of individual member states. One of such goals is to ensure energy security of the European Union. With this in mind, it is impossible for EU diplomacy to overlook the states of the South Caucasus: Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia, both with regard to their energy resources and geographical location. Is the South Caucasus truly the EU’s natural direction of improving its energy security? Are these countries able to help the European Union diversify its sources of energy supplies? Finally, are the states of the South Caucasus interested in that? These are only some of the questions the following article should answer.

4

General Overview of the Three-dimensional Architectural Models as Acroteria in Medieval Georgia

88%

Chitishvili N.

Studia Ceranea

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2021

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vol. 11

531-548

EN

Medieval architecture of the South Caucasus developed a unique tradition of making acroteria shaped as three-dimensional models of churches. Since the church-shaped acroteria have never been thoroughly explored in Georgia, this paper focuses on examples surviving in the region. Special attention is paid to analyzing the architectural and sculptural aspects of the acroteria, as well as their function. This paper aims at discussing both the formal and functional aspects of the church-shaped acroteria from Georgia. It is intended to explore what kind of church models were usually created in Georgia, how they were designed, and to what extent they resemble or differ from the real architecture. Typically, the model erected on the top of the gables of a church was made of stone, though glazed ceramic acroterion can be found as well, such as that of the Alaverdi Cathedral in Georgia. As the research has shown, the models do not replicate real architecture; they represent abridged images of actual buildings, repeating only their general layout (cross-domed or, rarely, single-nave structure) and a selected number of elements that were evidently considered essential or were typical elements of the architectural repertoire of the period in which the acroterion were created.

5

South Caucasus in the Foregin Policy of the Russian Federation. Do Doctrinal Assumptions Translate into Reality?

75%

Kardaś J.

Przegląd Strategiczny

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2016

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issue 9

105-115

EN

Russian policy in South Caucasus is not a fully effective policy, as Russia’s actions towards Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia are dominated by bilateral relations rather than a single, coherent strategy towards the region. The policy towards these countries also bears the hallmarks of an imperial policy, since it boils down to rewards (in the political, economic or military sphere) for cooperation, or punishments for any action against Russian interests. In addition to enhancing bilateral relations, Russia makes efforts (in accordance with documents issued by official bodies) to integrate the CIS area, of course including the Trans-Caucasus, under its leadership. But it comes up short in these efforts, because not all the Caucasus countries are interested in Russian-led economic integration (within the Eurasian Economic Union), or political and military integration (within CIS, CSTO).

6

Politics and Trust in the South Caucasus, and in East and West Europe

75%

Roberts K., Pollock G.

Polish Sociological Review

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2011

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vol. 174

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issue 2

167-180

EN

Trust in political actors is currently low in all parts of Europe and the former Soviet Union. This paper proceeds by presenting recent evidence from the EU27 and the South Caucasus, and explores differences in levels of trust towards different political actors, between socio-demographic groups, and between countries. The differences are around generally low levels of trust. It is argued that this lack of trust needs to be set in the contexts of economic globalisation having widened inequalities while disempowering national politicians, and the absence of effective political checks on politicians’ actions. Throughout the analysis, contrasts are drawn between the relatively mature democracies of the west and the new democracies of Eastern Europe. The paper concludes by suggesting why, in certain regions, trust has been most easily maintained or restored in relatively undemocratic political systems and actors.

7

Wpływ transformacji gospodarczej na proces formowania elit w państwach Kaukazu Południowego (wybrane aspekty)

75%

Sikora-Gaca M.

Studia Gdańskie. Wizje i rzeczywistość

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2012

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vol. 9

259-284

EN

Internally polarized counter-elites, that are often involved in corporate in-terests, do not have enough power to oppose the negative manifestations of economic transformation. In the countries of the South Caucasus, there are two types of business elites, the internal and the external ones, which „grew up” from the economic trans-formation. The external elites result from the privatization process, in which primarily Russians and Kazakhs are engaged. Concerning their interests in the region, they are lobbying the decision-making processes, while the local elites create the aforementioned mentioned „representative system”. The wealth fac-tor is therefore the way to exercise power. The research on business elites remains a discursive issue, which seems to be an endless subject to develop. Its analysis opens a broad discussion on the methodology of the study of elites, both in terms of their mechanisms and characteristics, as well as the theory itself.

8

Treaty on Open Skies in a regional context: The implications of the US and the Russia’s decisions to withdraw from the treaty for the security of South Caucasus and Georgia

75%

Suwara E. M.

Stosunki Międzynarodowe - International Relations

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2021

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vol. 57

140-158

EN

The Treaty on Open Skies has been an important legal instrument contributing to global arms control in recent years. Signed in 1992, the Treaty on Open Skies allows the monitoring and collection of data on military potential through observation flights over one another’s territories, thus becoming a confidencebuilding and transparency measure among its signatories. The recent decisions by the US and Russia to withdraw from this agreement impact the security situation globally and regionally. They reflect a gradual erosion of the architecture of arms control that has been introduced since the end of the Cold War. Georgia remains the only state in the South Caucasus to be a signatory to this Treaty. It is also the only state in the region to remain (since 2008) in a conflict with Russia. While striving to join the EU and NATO, it lies on the land of strategic importance to Russia and other regional and global players. The main objective of this publication is to discuss the importance of the Treaty on Open Skies, considering its specificity from a regional perspective, and to assess the implications of the withdrawals of the US and Russia from the Treaty on security in Georgia and in the South Caucasus. Using a descriptive approach and legal-political analysis, the author discusses the creation, functioning, and causes of the breakdown of this legal-institutional system, while looking at its importance for global arms control and security related consequences it may trigger for the region. A closer look at the South Caucasus highlights the author’s belief in the Treaty’s critical role in the region and the importance of preserving its existence.

9

Peace Education in Post-Conflict Settings

75%

Kukhianidze N.

Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia

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2021

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vol. 28

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issue 2

51-60

EN

Peace Education is considered to be an important pillar in preventing armed conflict and promoting positive peace. The aim of this article is to understand if education systems help development of peace processes in post-conflict settings and if the idea of implementing Peace Education into the formal curriculum could advance prospects for peace. In the paper three case studies are investigated more deeply – Japan, Germany and the South Caucasus. The article uses secondary sources to present the issue. The literature review includes academic books, articles, and official declarations of international organizations. The paper concludes that examples of integrating Peace Education principles in formal school education curriculums are not numerous, and the lack of a comprehensive data on Peace Education around the world could have been the reason that prevented governments from seeing the importance of implementing Peace Education within their national education systems.

10

Konflikt w Górskim Karabachu – implikacje dla bezpieczeństwa Republiki Azerbejdżanu

63%

Misiągiewicz J.

Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne

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2021

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vol. 70

196-209

EN

The aim of the study is to analyze the specifics of the conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh and its implications for the security of Azerbaijan. Thus, the genesis of the conflict, its subject and the peace process were determined. Azerbaijan saw the Karabakh conflict as a threat to its territorial integrity and independence, as well as its international role. The agreement of November 2020 can be treated as a success for Azerbaijan, as it legally sanctions the incorporation of most of the territory of Nagorno-Karabakh.

PL

Celem opracowania jest analiza specyfiki konfliktu w Górskim Karabachu oraz jego implikacji dla bezpieczeństwa Azerbejdżanu. Określono tym samym genezę konfliktu, jego przedmiot oraz proces pokojowy. Azerbejdżan postrzegał konflikt karabaski jako zagrażający jego integralności terytorialnej i niepodległości oraz roli międzynarodowej. Porozumienie z listopada 2020 roku można traktować jako sukces polityki Azerbejdżanu, gdyż sankcjonuje prawnie przyłączenie większości terytorium Górskiego Karabachu.

11

The Grand Strategy of President Ilham Aliyev as the Foreign Policy Foundation of Azerbaijan’s Victory in the Second Karabakh War

63%

Akbarova A. F.

Studia Orientalne

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2023

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issue 2(26)

60-71

RU

Нарастающая геополитическая динамика в регионе Южного Кавказа и Каспийско-Черноморского бассейна и роль на этом пространстве Азербайджана как неоспоримого регионального лидера, предстает актуальным трендом международных отношений. Азербайджан не является членом ни НАТО, ни ОДКБ, которые борются за лидерство в этом регионе. Но при этом Азербайджан успешно развивает двусторонние и многосторонние отношения с государствами-участниками этих военно-политических альянсов. Армения как член ОДКБ и Грузия, официально включившая в Основной закон своей страны цель вступления НАТО, в определенной мере могут продуцировать градус межблоковой конкуренции для решения собственных задач. Снижать риски геополитической напряженности в регионе объективно может Азербайджан, продвигая мирную повестки сотрудничества посредством содействия межблоковой коммуникации. Под руководством Президента Азербайджана Верховного главнокомандующего Ильхама Алиева Азербайджан первым на постсоветском пространстве решил межгосударственный конфликт в рамках норм международного права. Системный и структурно-функциональный методы используются в геополитическом, геостратегическом и геоэкономическом анализе роли Азербайджана в изучаемом регионе разработке и реализации Гранд-стратегии Президента Ильхама Алиева и основных направлений национального геоинжиниринга на современном этапе развития Азербайджана. Компаративный метод применяется при анализе основных тенденций в международных отношениях на основе изучения международных, международно-правовых, зарубежных документов и материалов.

EN

The growing geopolitical dynamics in the South Caucasus and the Caspian Black Sea basin region and the role of Azerbaijan as an undisputed regional leader in this space appear to be an urgent trend in international relations. Azerbaijan is not a member of either NATO or the CSTO, fighting for leadership in this region. But at the same time, Azerbaijan is successfully developing bilateral and multilateral relations with the participating states of these military-political alliances. Armenia, as a member of the CSTO, and Georgia, which has officially included the goal of joining NATO in the Basic Laws of their country, to a certain extent, can produce a degree of inter-bloc competition to solve their own problems. Azerbaijan can objectively reduce the risks of geopolitical tension in the region by promoting a peaceful cooperation agenda through inter-block communication. Under the leadership of the President of Azerbaijan, Supreme Commander-in-Chief Ilham Aliyev, Azerbaijan was the first in the post-Soviet space to resolve an interstate conflict within the framework of international law. Systemic and structural-functional methods are used in the geopolitical, geostrategic and geo-economic analysis of the role of Azerbaijan in the studied region, the development and implementation of the Grand Strategy of President Ilham Aliyev and the main directions of national geoengineering at the present stage of development of Azerbaijan. The comparative method is used to analyse the main trends in international relations based on the study of international, international legal, and foreign documents and materials.

12

Rusko, Turecko a Írán v náhorně-karabašské válce (1992–1994)

63%

Souleimanov E.

Slovanský přehled: historická revue pro dějiny střední, východní a jihovýchodní Evropy (Slavonic Review: Review for Central, Eastern and Southeastern European history)

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2013

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vol. 99

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issue 1-2

101-118

EN

This article is an attempt to explore the roles played by three key regional powers in the Armenian-Azerbaijani war over the Nagorno-Karabakh region that was raging on in the period of 1992–1994. The article holds that it was the significance of Azerbaijan as a crucial producer of oil and natural gas from its deposits in the Caspian Sea, that along with the presence of a huge Azerbaijani minority in Iran's northwest shaped the policies of the regional powers toward the Karabakh conflict, and their stance to Yerevan and Baku that contributed to Azerbaijan's eventual defeat in the war.

13

Prawne aspekty konfliktu w Górskim Karabachu: stan obecny i perspektywy

63%

Czachor R.

Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe

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2022

|

issue 1

97-125

EN

The following study picks up some important legal problems related to the conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh – an Azerbaijani separatist province. The Armenians claim that in 1991 Nagorno-Karabakh effectively abandoned Azerbaijan and declared independence, while the Azeris argue that an armed secession was illegal and the disputed territory de jure remains under their jurisdiction. The paper pays particular attention to the main legal arguments that have been raised by both parties to the conflict. It asserts that under Soviet law the secession of Nagorno-Karabakh was not admissible. Pertain to the contemporary public international law the discussion starts with the conclusion that the principle of territorial integrity prevails over the principle of the self-determination of the peoples. However, all minorities, including the peoples and ethnic groups, should enjoy the right to the social, economic and cultural development. Even though Azerbaijan can claim the right to exercise jurisdiction over disputed territory, it should fulfill all duties of a state under the international covenants of civil, economic, social and cultural rights and the European Human Rights Convention.

PL

Poniższy artykuł podejmuje kilka prawnych problemów związanych z separatystyczną prowincją Azerbejdżanu – Górskim Karabachem. Ormianie twierdzą, że w 1991 roku Górski Karabach skutecznie opuścił Azerbejdżan i stanowi obecnie oddzielne państwo, podczas gdy Azerowie twierdzą, że była to nielegalna, zbrojna secesja, zaś de jure obszar ten pozostaje pod jurysdykcją Azerbejdżanu. W artykule poddano analizie wszystkie główne argumenty prawne podnoszone przez strony sporu. Stwierdzono, że na gruncie prawa radzieckiego secesja była dokonana w sposób naruszający prawo. Na gruncie prawa międzynarodowego ogółem zasada integralności terytorialnej ma pierwszeństwo przed zasadą samostanowienia narodów, aczkolwiek wszystkie mniejszości, także ludy i grupy etniczne, muszą mieć zagwarantowane w danym państwie prawo do zapewnienia rozwoju społecznego, gospodarczego i kulturalnego. Choć Azerbejdżan ma prawo roszczenia o sprawowanie jurysdykcji nad spornym obszarem, to niezbędne jest zagwarantowanie przez jego władze przestrzegania paktów praw człowieka i Europejskiej konwencji praw człowieka.

14

Pomoc rozwojowa w polityce zagranicznej Konfederacji Szwajcarskiej. Przykład Kaukazu Południowego

63%

Koźbiał K.

Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe

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2018

|

issue 4

157-171

EN

The Swiss Confederation, as a neutral state, is forced to apply in its foreign policy instruments classified as the so-called soft power. One of them is development assistance granted to less developed countries, also undergoing the period of political transition. An example of this type of Swiss activities is the assistance to the countries of the South Caucasus, resulting, inter alia, from historical contacts, in modern times initiated as part of humanitarian aid after the earthquake in 1988. Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia are supported as part of strategic plans by both the Swiss state and private donors. Switzerland also successfully plays the role of a mediator: in the Georgian-Russian and Turkish-Armenian dispute.

PL

Konfederacja Szwajcarska, jako państwo neutralne o niewielkich rozmiarach, zmuszona jest do stosowania w swej polityce zagranicznej instrumentów zaliczanych do tzw. soft power. Jednym z nich jest pomoc rozwojowa, udzielana państwom słabiej rozwiniętym, także znajdującym się w stanie tranzycji ustrojowej. Przykładem tego rodzaju działań jest pomoc Szwajcarii dla państw Kaukazu Południowego, wynikająca m.in. z historycznych kontaktów, a w czasach współczesnych rozpoczęta w ramach pomocy humanitarnej po trzęsieniu ziemi w 1988 r. Armenia, Azerbejdżan i Gruzja wspierane są w ramach planów strategicznych zarówno przez państwo szwajcarskie, jak i prywatnych donatorów. Oprócz tego Szwajcaria z powodzeniem pełni rolę mediatora w sporze gruzińsko-rosyjskim i turecko-armeńskim.

15

Rola geopolityki w polityce zagranicznej i bezpieczeństwa Polski i państw Kaukazu południowego na przełomie XX i XXI wieku

51%

Kostun M. A., Stawarz P.

Przegląd Europejski

|

2013

|

issue 3(29)

76-98

PL

W artykule podkreślono istotę analizy uwarunkowań geopolitycznych wybierając strategię polityki zagranicznej i bezpieczeństwa państw. Po zakończeniu zimnej wojny, Polska, Armenia, Azerbejdżan i Gruzja, będące u podstaw budowania demokracji oraz przy trudnych uwarunkowaniach wewnętrznych, podjęły ambitne działania polityczne, mające na celu zabezpieczenie najwyższego interesu państwa – bezpieczeństwa narodowego. W pierwszej części tekstu przedstawiono zarys kształtowania się polityki zagranicznej i bezpieczeństwa Polski po rozpadzie bloku sowieckiego. W tekście określono wpływ uwarunkowań geopolitycznych dla polityki zagranicznej i bezpieczeństwa. W części drugiej przedstawiono uwarunkowania geopolityczne Kaukazu oraz ich wypływ na politykę zagraniczną i bezpieczeństwa Armenii, Azerbejdżanu i Gruzji, w tym podobieństwa i różnice, prognozy dotyczące sytuacji geopolitycznej regionu oraz najważniejsze czynniki mogące warunkować zmiany.

EN

The article highlights the importance of analysis of the geopolitical context in the development of a state’s comprehensive foreign and security policy strategy in the case of Poland, Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia. At the end of the Cold War, Poland and the mentioned countries of the South Caucasus, while laying the foundations of democracy in harsh domestic political environments, adapted and implemented ambitious policies aimed at securing the highest interest of a state - national security. The first part of the article presents a concise overview of Poland’s foreign and security policy strategy after the collapse of the Soviet bloc, describing it from a geopolitical perspective. The second part of the article presents an overview of geopolitical conditions of the South Caucasus region and their impact on foreign and security policies of its countries: Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia. This part reveals similarities and differences of the geopolitical issues between these countries, contains thoughts on the emerging geopolitical situation in the region, and identifies geopolitical factors, which may affect change in that regard.

16

Aspekty metodologiczne dysertacji doktorskiej pt.: Stosunki Unii Europejskiej z państwami Kaukazu Południowego

51%

Stawarz P.

Przegląd Europejski

|

2012

|

vol. 2012 (26)(3)

130-148

PL

The article briefly presents the subject matter of the doctoral dissertation entitled “Relations of the European Union with the South Caucasus countries”, describing its rationale and premise. Main part of the article is devoted to the theoretical and methodological framework of the dissertation. The thesis is founded on the neoliberal-neorealist framework, and uses neoinstitutionalist/historical institutionalist, comparative and simulation methods. These theoretical and methodological choices are explained in the article, as well as the manner in which the approaches are applied in the dissertation, and expected outcomes of their adoption. The article concludes with a description of the sources available on the subject and assessment of the subject matter feasibility for a doctoral dissertation.

17

UE jako aktor globalny – historyczny i współczesny przegląd rosnącej działalności stabilizacyjnej Unii Europejskiej w Europie i na Kaukazie Południowym

51%

musiol m.

Rocznik Bezpieczeństwa Międzynarodowego

|

2018

|

vol. 12

|

issue 1

148-162

EN

The aim of this article is to present briefly as an overview, the EU’s commitment to maintaining peace in Europe and South Caucasus. The study highlights the most important manifestations of the EU civilian missions and military operations in those regions. The forms of this EU involvement in the world are very different from own civilian missions (including Georgia or Ukraine) and support for military operations of other international organizations, for instance – the case of NATO’s military operation ISAF in Afghanistan.

PL

Celem tego artykułu jest krótka prezentacja w postaci przeglądu zaangażowania UE w utrzymanie pokoju w Europie i na Południowym Kaukazie. Niniejsze studium wyszczególnia najważniejsze przejawy unijnych misji cywilnych i operacji militarnych w tych regionach1. Te formy zaangażowania UE na świecie są bardzo zróżnicowane, zaczynając od misji cywilnych (Gruzja lub Ukraina), kończąc na wsparciu dla operacji wojskowych innych organizacji międzynarodowych, na przykład NATO – operacja militarna ISAF w Afganistanie.

18

Aspekty metodologiczne dysertacji doktorskiej pt.: Stosunki Unii Europejskiej z państwami Kaukazu Południowego

51%

Stawarz P.

Przegląd Europejski

|

2012

|

issue 3(26)

128–149

PL

W artykule w skrótowy sposób przedstawiona została tematyka dysertacji doktorskiej Stosunki Unii Europejskiej z państwami Kaukazu Południowego. Wskazane zostało uzasadnienie wyboru tematu dysertacji oraz jej podstawowe założenia. Główna część artykułu poświęcona jest przedstawieniu teorii i metod w niej zastosowanych. Podstawowymi teoriami zastosowanymi w pracy są: neoliberalizm i neorealizm a głównymi metodami: metoda historyczna, metoda neoinstytucjonalna w odmianie historycznej, metoda komparatywna oraz metoda symulacyjna. Wskazane zostały przyczyny, dla których został dokonany wskazany wybór, jak również sposoby zastosowania wspomnianych teorii i metod i efekty ich zastosowania po dokonaniu wstępnej analizy zjawisk opisywanych w przedstawianej dysertacji doktorskiej. Ostatnia część zawiera krótki opis przeprowadzonej kwerendy materiałów źródłowych oraz wnioski, co do możliwości podjęcia wspomnianego tematu w dysertacji doktorskiej.

EN

The article briefly presents the subject matter of the doctoral dissertation entitled “Relations of the European Union with the South Caucasus countries”, describing its rationale and premise. Main part of the article is devoted to the theoretical and methodological framework of the dissertation. The thesis is founded on the neoliberal-neorealist framework, and uses neoinstitutionalist/historical institutionalist, comparative and simulation methods. These theoretical and methodological choices are explained in the article, as well as the manner in which the approaches are applied in the dissertation, and expected outcomes of their adoption. The article concludes with a description of the sources available on the subject and assessment of the subject matter feasibility for a doctoral dissertation.

19

Państwa nieuznawane w badaniach analityczno-prognostycznych rynku paliwowo-energetycznego Południowego Kaukazu. Zaopatrzenie energetyczne Osetii Pd. i Abchazji vs. Republiki Górskiego Karabachu

38%

Kwiatkiewicz P.

Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne

|

2022

|

issue 4

155-168

EN

The Southern Caucasus and its economic research entails difficulties due to the political uniqueness of the region. Armed conflicts between Armenia and Azerbaijan and limited relations with the external environment of Armenia–Turkey and Georgia–Russia do not favor trade and transparency of concluded transactions. The existence of the so-called unrecognized countries poses a challenge to scientific research. It is impossible to determine precisely the amount of fuel consumption or electricity consumption, because they are not supplied by the countries within which they are located. Their legal affiliation does not allow them to be omitted in all types of sets, which affects the final results of analytical and prognostic research in the field of energy, which depend on the quality of data and economic development forecasts accuracy. The examples of Abkhazia, South Ossetia, and the Republic of Nagorno- Karabakh are proof of this. The combination of these two cases makes it possible to highlight the differences between them, which result from a different approach to the issue of meeting the energy needs of the local population by their home countries.

PL

Kaukaz Południowy i badania nad jego gospodarką niosą za sobą trudności wynikające ze specyfiki politycznej tego regionu. Konflikt zbrojny między Armenią i Azerbejdżanem, ograniczone relacje z otoczeniem zewnętrznym – Armenia–Turcja, Gruzja–Rosja; nie sprzyjają wymianie handlowej i transparentności zawieranych transakcji. Wyzwanie dla poszukiwań naukowych stanowi istnienie tzw. państw nieuznawanych. Nie sposób określić precyzyjnie wielkości konsumpcji paliwowej czy zużycia energii elektrycznej, gdyż nie są zaopatrywane energetycznie przez państwa, w których granicach de jure są położone. Ich legalna przynależność nie pozwala by były pomijane we wszelkiego typu zestawach, co rzutuje na wyniki końcowe poszukiwań analityczno-prognostycznych w obszarze energetyki, które są zależne od jakości przekazywanych danych oraz trafności prognoz rozwoju gospodarczego. Omawiane przykłady Abchazji i Osetii Pd. oraz Republiki Górskiego Karabachu są tego dowodem. Zestawienie tych dwóch przypadków pozwala wyeksponować różnice między nimi.

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Państwa nieuznawane w badaniach analityczno-prognostycznych rynku paliwowo-energetycznego Południowego Kaukazu. Zaopatrzenie energetyczne Osetii Pd. i Abchazji vs. Republiki Górskiego Karabachu