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EN
This paper presents a detailed account of the rich set of macroprudential measures (MPPs) implemented in Bulgaria, Croatia, Romania, and Serbia during their synchronized boom and bust cycles in 2002–12, and assesses their effectiveness in managing credit growth. Only strong MPPs helped contain domestic credit growth during the boom years, but circumvention via direct external borrowing offset their effectiveness to a large extent. MPPs taken during the bust had no discernible impact. The paper concludes that (i) proper calibration of MPPs is of the essence; (ii) only strong, broad-based MPPs can contain credit booms; (iii) econometric studies of macroprudential policy effectiveness should focus on concrete policy measures rather than on instruments use; and (iv) in so doing should allow for possible non-linear and state-contingent effects.
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EN
The article deals with the organisation of research in the field of Balkan studies in Serbia and former Yugoslavia and examines the pertinent works published in Serbia in the years 1991–2013. The cited works are classified according to the related academic areas, which are regarded as integral parts of Balkan studies: 1. geography, anthropology, ethnology; 2. archaeology, prehistory; 3. history, art history; 4. philology, ethnolinguistics, folkloristics. Several works from the field of Ottoman and Byzantine studies are also included, since both of them are complementary to Balkan studies. In conclusion, a summary of the contemporary examination of the terms Balkan, Balkan peninsula, and Balkan studies is provided, and references are made to the possible development of their contents.
EN
My paper aims to examine ways in which the term “Balkans” was negotiated in modern Greek culture during the 19th and 20th centuries, based primarily on modern Greek literary texts of various kinds; however, in order to approach the issue more globally, other types of textual evidence from the relevant period are discussed, such as diplomatic, historical, and political texts. The goal of my research is to develop a theoretical pattern which explains the variety of Greek attitudes towards the Balkan nations. To describe this evolutionary scheme, based on the theoretical framework composed of seminal works including Edward Said’s Orientalism, Maria Todorova’s Balkanism, and Milica Bakic-Hayden’s Nesting Orientalisms, I discuss an ideological and discursive mechanism which I call “reversed nesting orientalisms”. Thus, I highlight the imaginary relationship as it was created, evolved, and consolidated in terms of narrative representations within modern Greek culture, with the broader goal of reaching a deeper understanding of the historical, political, cultural, and ideological factors which shaped modern Greek discourse about the Balkan nations.
EN
This paper explores the social structures of late medieval Vlachs – particularly the ones inhabiting the Western Balkans (the Dinaric Alps) – in order to determine how collective identities were shaped and reproduced in medieval oral cultures. Southeast European historiographies have often portrayed the Balkan Vlachs as a unitary group and the label „Vlach” as representing a single, homogenous social entity during most of the Middle Ages. Still, social groups cannot exist and function without regular communication – oral or written – between their members. Oral cultures are based on verbal communication and are therefore bound by its specific nature, given that it requires continuous personal contact and oral transfer of information for communication and society to function properly. Literate cultures on the other hand tend to rely on written communication to a considerable extent and given that it allows for information to be conveyed impersonally (by text) its range is (at least in theory) almost limitless – as it is the level of (il)literacy that represents the main communicative and social limit in literate societies. Having in mind the abovementioned communicative and social limits of orality and the fact that it was the predominant if not exclusive form of communication among transhumant pastoralists such as the medieval Balkan Vlachs this paper argues that the range/scope of their group identities and collective identifications was rather limited. Furthermore, this paper discusses the types of collective identities utilized by Vlachs, questioning whether they ever shared a common „Vlach identity” given the fact that the social identity of the medieval people known as „the Vlachs” was primarily shaped and defined from the „outside” and „above” – by state intervention and a legal frame that was forced upon them. The Vlachs in the Medieval Balkans, and particularly in its western part, generally did not possess political authority and power, nor did they have the material resources and literary traditions allowing them to form more complex and enduring communication networks that would in turn have resulted in group identity formation on a larger scale. During the Early Middle Ages the Vlachs were „Vlachs” primarily because they were labelled as such and considered to be a distinct category of population by their Slavic (and later Byzantine) neighbours and overlords, and not necessarily because they originally defined themselves as such. This is not to say that gradually, during the course of the Middle Ages, the bearers of the „Vlach” name could not have started to identify themselves as „Vlachs” by accepting this foreign name (xenonym) as their preferred group name (autonym). Still, when this finally did happen it did not imply a „universal” Vlach identity in the medieval Balkans. Given the communicative limits of oral cultures as well as the Vlachs’ position as legal and political „objects” rather than „subjects” it seems most likely that the medieval Balkans witnessed a simultaneous existence of a multitude of „Vlachnesses” which were usually unrelated and unaware of each other.
PL
Listy wysokiego dygnitarza bizantyńskiego Teodora Dafnopata, wysłane do bułgarskiego cara Symeona (893–927; zm. 27 V 927) w imieniu cesarza bizantyńskiego Romana I Lekapena (920–944; zm. 29 VI 948), są dobrze znane. Zostały napisane w końcowej fazie długiej wojny bizantyńsko-bułgarskiej w latach 913–927. Korespondencja Daphnopatesa wywołała i prawdopodobnie nadal będzie inspirować poważną działalność badawczą. Trudno się temu dziwić biorąc pod uwagę fakt, że listy dotyczyły niektórych aspektów bizantyńskiej ideologii i koncepcji politycznych, a także roszczeń bułgarskich z początku X w. Niniejszy artykuł koncentruje się na informacjach dotyczących bizantyńskiej ludności cywilnej i jej losów pod presją nacierających wojsk wroga. Zwrócono uwagę na ich schwytanie i porwanie. Główny nacisk kładziony jest na często pomijane lub jawnie zaniedbywane informacje, które Daphnopathes przekazuje w kwestii zniewolenia, handlu niewolnikami oraz wysiłków władz bizantyńskich, by sprowadzić przynajmniej część poddanych z powrotem do Cesarstwa poprzez znaną praktykę wymiany jeńców wojennych.
EN
The letters written by Theodore Daphnopates, a high Byzantine dignitary, and sent to Bulgarian Tsar Symeon (r. 893–927; d. May 27, 927) on behalf of the Byzantine Emperor Romanos I Lekapenos (r. 920–944; d. June 29, 948) in the final phase of the prolonged Byzantine-Bulgarian war of 913–927, are well known. Daphnopates’ correspondence has encouraged, and will probably continue to encourage, research activity due to its focus on both the aspects of Byzantine political ideology and concepts, and on the Bulgarian claims in the early 10th century. This text focuses on information concerning Byzantine civilians and their fate under the pressure of advancing enemy troops. Attention is paid to their capture and abduction. The main focus of this article is on the often overlooked or overtly neglected statements that Daphnopathes offers on enslavement, slave trafficking, and the efforts of the Byzantine authorities to bring at least some of their subjects back to the Empire through the familiar practice of exchanging prisoners of war.
EN
Uses and Abuses of the Past. The Politics of History and Cultures of Remembrance in East-Central and Southeastern Europe (1791 to 1989) The ‘long’ 19th century and the wars of the ‘short’ 20th century decisively shaped the cultures of remembrance of the national societies and nation-states of East-Central and Southeastern Europe. The national liberation movements, the wars of 1912/14–1918, the founding of new states in 1918–19, the turn to authoritarian rule in the late 1920s and the war years of 1939/41–1944/45 continue to shape – together with the legacy of communism and medieval myths – the collective memory of contemporary Poles, Hungarians, Slovaks, Czechs, Romanians, Bulgarians, Albanians, Serbs, Macedonians, Croats and others. If Oskar Halecki and Jenő Szűcs have identified a historical meso-region of a ‘wider’ East-Central Europe characterized by common structural features, one can also identify a post-imperial and post-communist ‘community of memory’ between Plžen and Poltava, Tallinn and Thessaloniki. This shaping of the past in people’ s minds has taken place in a threefold manner. First, the individual memory of quite a number of people who had experienced World War II, the interwar period and even the ‘three’ Balkans Wars is still alive. These memories differ substantially depending on ethnicity, political affiliation back then, and on present-day political needs. Those hunted during the Second World War record rather different memories than those who participated in ethnic cleansing, for example. There have been floods of memoirs written about the recent past throughout the region. Second, in these until rather recently non-literate but ‘oral’ societies family memory continues to play an important role – a role that was strengthened considerably under the decades of communism when memories not compatible with the official master narrative were suppressed. And third – and perhaps most importantly – the post-1989/91 governments’ uses and abuses of the past are primarily an iteration of the ‘politics of history’ propagated by governments of the interwar period and earlier.
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