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PL
The article attempts to give a brief overview of the history of Israeli discourse on the Armenian Genocide, which still has not been officially recognised by the State of Israel. The main objective of the paper is to point out the key events and attitudes taken as part of the Israeli discourse that are – directly and indirectly – responsible for this situation. The problem is analysed in two major contexts – namely those of the official, Israeli Holocaust discourse and the foreign politics of the state, including the influence these two spheres had on the ArmenianGenocide’s official status in the Israeli collective memory.
EN
The article aims to introduce the analysis of Israeli politics from the perspective of French historian, philosopher and sociologist Raymond Aron (1905–1983). Aron belonged to the secular Jewish assimilated community in France. That is why his analyses of Israel are both very deep and detailed. Aron described Israel as a crossroad of global international relations and ”planetary“ diplomacy. In his life research, he emphasized strictly the disinterested analytical approach, thus he described Israeli policy and the political environment of Middle East from this point of view. Although his thinking was based on realistic theory of international relations and etatism, his analysis of Israeli policy rather came from his personal beliefs. In result, Aron could afford to understand freely all problems of the participants of Israeli politics.
EN
The article aims to describe the civilizational aspect of the State of Israel in the historiosophic and geopolitical thought of Aleksandr G. Dugin, who is considered the most influential and controversial representative of modern Russian neo-conservatism. Firstly, the article presents the intellectual and political context of Dugin’s intellectual evolution. Secondly, it shows the role of the State of Israel in the conflict of civilizations. Thirdly, it describes Dugin’s interpretation of the cul-tural and civilizational identity of the State of Israel and its geopolitical conse-quences.   
EN
Although many changes have occurred and accumulated significantly in Arab society in Israel and in the majority-minority relationship, the great class gap between Arabs and Jewish has been retained. This gap depends on the division of the resources in Israeli society. Inequality in this division and in the social relations between Jewish and Arabs continues, although there are indications that it is lessening. It is difficult to speak about co-existence and peace between Jews and Arabs, since today the Arabs of Israel are integrated in Israeli society primarily by negative and involuntary forces, such as economic dependency, political heresy, and social ecological isolation (Smooha, 2011: 13). The present research focuses only on the Muslim Arab population integrated into the security forces in Israel.
EN
The article concerns the stability of a specific political system based on the so-called non--codified constitution, which was formed in the State of Israel. The main goal is to present and characterise the systemic position of the Supreme Court in this country and, above all, the competences of this body in the field of maintaining political stability and public order. There are two main hypotheses in the paper. According to the first one, the Supreme Court is especially predestined to perform stability functions. According to second hypothesis a system based on an uncodified constitution supports the actions of the Supreme Court aimed at achieving a state of political stability. In the course of the analysis, tools from such disciplines as political theory, jurisprudence and the science of constitutional law were used. At the beginning of the article, the research perspective was defined, the most important element of which is the operationalization of the general concept of “stability” and the concept of “political stability”.
EN
In the first decades after the founding of the State of Israel, pilots were considered the epitome of truly Israeli, Zionist heroism. This image strengthened even more after the 1956 war, in which IAF (Israeli Air Force) jet fighters played a key role for the first time. The commander of the Israeli Air Force in the second half of the 1950s, and later Israeli President Ezer Weizman, supported recruitment to the ranks of the air force. There was even a saying that “the best for aviation”. Only fifty years later it turned out that almost half of the “best for aviation” were survivors of the Holocaust.
PL
W pierwszych dziesięcioleciach po powstaniu państwa Izrael piloci uważani byli za uosobienie prawdziwie izraelskiego, syjonistycznego heroizmu. Wizerunek ten wzmocnił się jeszcze bardziej po wojnie w 1956 roku, w której po raz pierwszy kluczową rolę odegrały myśliwce odrzutowe IAF (Izraelskie Siły Powietrzne). Dowódca izraelskich sił powietrznych w drugiej połowie lat pięćdziesiątych, a później prezydent Izraela Ezer Weizman, popierali rekrutację do szeregów lotnictwa. Powstało nawet powiedzenie, że „najlepsi do lotnictwa”. Dopiero pięćdziesiąt lat później okazało się, że prawie połowa tych „najlepszych do lotnictwa” była ocalonymi z Holokaustu.
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