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EN
Stephen Batory ruled the Republic of the Two Nations for almost 11 years. The time of his reign was characterized by specifi c relationships between him and the Polish-Lithuanian General Seym. What was reflective of this specifi cacy were the Seym proceeding practices and the nature of the law-creating process. Since the reign of king Batory was short it is not easy to formulate the rules along which the aforementioned relationships developed. The criterion that allowed to classify the major legislative acts produced at that time was that of who produced them (the criterion of the Legislator). Other criterion – for instance the traditional one based on the scope of legislative competence of the Seym and the king – would not be possible to apply. The point was that the division of matters into those left for the legislation as made by the king and those left for the legislative activities of the Seym was not dichotomous. In producing legal norms the two entities complemented each other. At the same time they also competed with each other. As a result two interesting phenomena were observable: the interchangeability of the two law-creating agencies, i.e. that of the king and that of the Seym, and also the fl exibility of the forms assumed by the legislative acts. In the discussed period the legal norms of universally binding force were adopted at the central level either in the form of resolution as made by the General Seym or in the form of acts issued by the king. The act that was expected to be considered the legislative product of the Seym was the one which jointly fulfi lled two requirements. First, it had to be produced at the time and in the place of the Seym debates (therefore in most cases, although not always, there was made in it the allusion of the type: “at the General Seym”, in conventu generalis Regni nostri). The second thing, and simultaneously the most important one, was the information that was placed in the text of the act (unless the tenor of the information could be seen from the content of the act in an obvious way) that the act was produced “while following the advice of our Lords Counsellors and with the consent given by the Seym deputies representing the provinces (de consilio consiliariorum Nostrorum, consensusque omnium ordinum)”. Other legislative acts were qualifi ed as royal acts but the latter were not homogeneous. Thus the monarch could by himself produce universals (these were his own acts). On such occasion he operated as rex solus or cooperated with the senators (de consilio consiliariorum Nostrorum). He could also produce them upon the request and with the consent of the nobles (the so called approved acts), which was distinctly emphasized in the content of the act, the consensus of the nobles (of their representatives) to the specific provision being mentioned. The ruler acted in the capacity of the legislator both during the Seym debates as well as beyond the Seym. However the act published by the king even upon the consent of the Senators and the deputies representing the entire State was not considered to be the Seym-adopted act if it was issued beyond the place and beyond the time of the General Seym’s debates. What occurred sometimes were the combined (mixed) acts like for instance the so called Ekscepta mazowieckie. The Ekscepta were the act issued by the king on request of the Seym deputies representing the Mazovia Province. They were issued by the king beyond the place and time of the Seym debates on the basis of the document prepared in advance and submitted to the monarch, and eventually confirmed by him. One provision of the Ekscepta was however adopted by the Seym but was enclosed later to the entire text of the Ekscepta. Therefore the Ekscepta were of the nature of mixed act. Of similar nature was the Universal on tax collection of 1578. It was published as the king-issued act but, due to the specific history of its formulation, it was – from the perspective of Grand Duchy of Lithuania and almost the entire Crown (i.e. the Polish part of the Respublica) – considered to be the Seym-produced act. Also the so called Constitutions of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania seem to be an interesting type of legal acts. They should be classified as the royal ones. While exploring the legislation of King Batory’s reign, it is possible to arrive at a conclusion that the Seym-adopted statutory law (the so called Seym-produced constitutions) and the king-issued Universals that used to replace the Seym-adopted law, occupied equal position. This equality was due to the fact that in the regular circumstances the provisions contained in the Universals would fi nd themselves in the acts adopted by the Seym. We may say that in the discussed era the provisions that would regulate the law-creating process were absent and consequently accounted for such phenomena as fl exibility of the forms of legal acts and the interchangeability of legislative devices.
PL
W II poł. XVI w. drogi ustrojowe państw Europy zachodniej i Rzeczypospolitej zaczęły się coraz wyraźniej różnicować. W sprzyjających okoliczności mogło to budzić wzajemne zaciekawienie, którego owocem są zachowane do dzisiaj relacje podróżników i dyplomatów. Wymiana spostrzeżeń w czasach, w których umysł polskiego szlachcica nie był jeszcze zdominowany przez ksenofobię, ujawnia w równej mierze aprobatę, jak chłodny dystans, a niekiedy niechęć. Zestawienie rodzimych refleksji z wnioskami płynącymi z cudzoziemskich podróży do Polski w drugiej połowie XVI w. wzbogaca naszą wiedzę na temat wizerunku Rzeczypospolitej w czasach jej świetności. Jak zauważył Mirosław Sadowski, okres panowania pierwszych królów elekcyjnych nadal określa się mianem epoki odrodzenia, co również skłoniło go do rozważań nad obrazem Rzeczypospolitej w oczach cudzoziemców tej doby. Przekształcanie się ustroju polsko-litewskiego państwa po śmierci Zygmunta II Augusta skłania jednak do skoncentrowania uwagi na problematyce związanej z ceremoniałem doby pierwszych dwóch wolnych elekcji, które stały się obiektem żywego zainteresowania ze strony Francji i Siedmiogrodu. Różnicowanie się ustrojów monarchii europejskich w tym jakże twórczym czasie jest tu dodatkową zachętą. W relacjach rodzimych i cudzoziemskich zwykle brakuje szczegółów związanych z uroczystymi ceremoniami. Zadecydowało o tym kilka powodów, a wśród nich podobieństwa ceremoniałów, pozwalające uniknąć ich szczegółowego opisywania. Autorzy skupiali zatem swoja uwagę na ogólnym opisie, z uwypukleniem różnic oraz opisaniem czołowych osobistości biorących udział w uroczystości. Pomimo dbałości o wystawność ceremonialnych uroczystości, w polskich warunkach trudno było wytworzyć rozbudowane ich formy pojawiające się w dojrzałych monarchiach absolutnych dysponujących dużym autorytetem monarszym wspartym na dziedziczności tronu, skomplikowanym organizmem dworskim, stosownym aparatem biurokratycznym, a także rozbudowanym systemem finansowym. Ceremoniały mogły podlegać politycznym kompromisom, ale ceremonialne odstępstwa były wykorzystywane jako środek dyplomatycznej prowokacji, uniku lub nacisku. Polski ceremoniał dyplomatyczny nie był ujęty w ramy regulaminu, jak miało to miejsce np. we Francji, więc czasem dochodziło do kontrowersji przy jego stosowaniu.
EN
In the second half of the 16th century, the way of the political system of Western Europe countries and the Republic of Poland began to differentiate more and more clearly. In favorable circumstances, it could arouse mutual interest, the fruit of which are the reports of travelers and diplomats that have survived to this day. The exchange of observations at a time when the mind of the Polish nobleman was not yet dominated by the xenophobia, reveals as much approval as cold distance, and sometimes aversion. The juxtaposition of domestic reflections with the conclusions drawn from foreign trips to Poland in the second half of the 16th century enriches our knowledge about the image of the Republic of Poland in its heyday. As noted by Mirosław Sadowski, the period of the reign of the first elected kings is still referred to as the era of the reborn, which also made him to consider the image of the Republic of Poland in the eyes of foreigners at the time. The transformation of the Polish-Lithuanian state after the death of Zygmunt II August, however, prompts us to focus on the issues related to the ceremonial of the first two royal free elections, which became the object of keen interest on the part of France and Transylvania. The differentiation of the regimes of European monarchies at this very creative time is an additional incentive here. In domestic and foreign reports, details related to solemn ceremonials are usually missing. There were several reasons for this, including the similarity of the ceremonials, which made it possible to avoid describing them in detail. The authors therefore focused the attention on the general description, highlighting the differences and describing the leading personalities participating in the ceremony. Despite the care for the magnificence of the ceremonial celebrations, in Polish conditions it was difficult to create their extensive forms appearing in mature absolute monarchies with high royal authority based on the heredity of the throne, a complicated court organism, an appropriate bureaucratic apparatus, and an extensive financial system. The ceremonials could be subject to political compromises, but ceremonial derogations were used as a means of diplomatic provocation, evasion or pressure. The Polish diplomatic ceremonial was not included in the regulations, as was the case, for example, in France, so sometimes there was controversy in its application.
RU
Во второй половине XVI века политические пути Западной Европы и Речи Посполитой начали все более отчетливо расходиться. Сопоставление отечественных размышлений с выводами зарубежных поездок в Польшу во второй половине XVI века обогащает наши знания об образе Речи Посполитой Польской в период ее расцвета. Однако преобразование польско-литовского государства после смерти Сигизмунда II Августа побуждает нас сосредоточить внимание на вопросах, связанных с церемониалом периода двух первых элекций, которые вызвали пристальный интерес со стороны Франции и Трансильвании. Авторы сосредоточились на общем описании, подчеркнув различия и описав ведущие личности, присутствовавшие на церемониях. Церемонии могли подвергать политическим компромиссом, но церемониальные отступления использовались как средство дипломатической провокации, уклонения или давления. Польская дипломатическая церемония не была включена в регламент, поэтому иногда в ее применении возникали разногласия.
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