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1

TRANSJORDAN BETWEEN THE PAN-ARAB MOVEMENT AND THE BRITISH EMPIRE (1920-1948)

100%
Wróblewski B.
Dzieje Najnowsze
|
2004
|
issue 2
21-35
EN
The author focuses on the origin of the Transjordanian state (today: the Kingdom of Jordan). The backdrop of the presented process is a general outline of Levantine history from the fall of the Ottoman Empire to first years after the second world war (approximately to the beginning of 1948). The establishment of the state was the outcome of two contrary impacts, one of them being British imperialism, and the other - the activity of Arabian political forces. The most essential for the creation of Transjordan proved to have been the steps made by the Hashimite dynasty, and in particular Emir Abdullah. The article depicts the history of the future Jordanian territory during the first world war, and in a more detailed manner - the establishment of Transjordan by the British and Emir Abdullah as well as its development in the 1920s and 1930s. The author chose the year 1920 due to the fact that it could be recognised as the beginning of the Emirate. The closing date is more exact since the conventions signed with Great Britain in 1946 and 1948 signified a formal recognition of Transjordan's independence. . Key place in the article is granted to the complicated policy of the Transjordanian authorities (primarily Abdullah personally). The Emir regarded himself as a vassal of the British Empire and wished to fulfil his obligations towards Great Britain. Simultaneously, he was compelled to take into consideration the growing pan-Arab mood of the local societies. True, Abdullah managed to reinforce the distinct rank of Transjordan and to satisfy the British authorities, but a wall of animosity had risen between him and the pan-Arab movement.
2
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THE ROLE OF TRANSJORDAN IN THE PALESTINIAN CONFLICT OF 1936-1948

80%
Wroblewski B.
Acta Asiatica Varsoviensia
|
2005
|
vol. 18
91-104
EN
The author's aim was to present the role of Transjordan and its ruler in the Palestinian conflict 1936-1948. The article was based mainly on studies concerning the history of Jordan and its policy. The state of Transjordan played an important role in the Palestinian conflict. The role was predominantly determined by the fact that the territory of Transjordan used to be part of Palestine. The emir of Transjordan, Abdullah, based his politics on subordination to Great Britain. He received British financial support and military consultation in return. They made the establishment of Transjordan possible. Abdullah wanted to expand his rule to further territories. Incorporation of Palestine could be one of the factors to reach this goal. The unification of Palestine and Transjordan under his rule was part of his plans to create 'Great Syria'. In 1947 UN set a committee to solve the Palestinian problem. It decided to divide the territory into two states: a Jewish one and an Arab one. The plan was acceptable to Abdullah, as he wanted to incorporate as much of the Palestinian territory into Transjordan as possible. Transjordanian military units crossed the Jordan in May 1948, as has been agreed with the British. Israeli attacks in the area of Jerusalem changed the plans, however. After cruel war, Israel and Jordan signed a peace agreement in 1949. The treaty conceded to Jordan the occupied Arab territories. Palestinians could not aspire to political autonomy. In 1948 the emir was proclaimed the king of Palestine. In 1950 the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan was created. It became a state radically different than Transjordan used to be. The population, as the main loser in the war, was frustrated. One of the gravest symptoms of the new situation was Abdullah's murder in 1951. The occupation of Palestine posited Jordan in the very centre of Arab affairs, linking the country to the main problem - the Palestinian issue. The major mistake inherent in the whole conception to solve the Palestinian problem resided in the fact that Transjordan - poor and sparsely populated - had been chosen as the core of the new Arab state. The mistake was due to the British choices first of all. The policy might have succeeded if Abdullah's control over Arabs residing West of the Jordan had been exercised. They were, however, only subjected to policing by the British.
3

THE LAST YEARS OF KING FAYIAL I. (1930 - 1933)

70%
Sorby K. J.
Asian and African Studies
|
2010
|
vol. 19
|
issue 2
255-274
EN
The significance of the Anglo-Iraqi treaty in 1930 stemmed from the fact that it provided for the termination of a mandate - the first such example followed in the Near and Middle East only in Transjordan sixteen years later - and established a new pattern of Anglo-Arab relations. If Britain was prepared to surrender its mandate by 1930, it should arrive at this position reluctantly only after the painful experience of persistent agitation among nationalists in the trust territory and a wide segment of the public in England. The instrument itself assured a preferential status of the United Kingdom in Iraq. For the duration of the alliance Britain was allowed to retain two air bases and to make use of all Iraqi facilities for the transit of British armed forces (land, naval and air). Under the accompanying notes British ambassadors in Baghdad were to enjoy 'precedence in relation to the diplomatic representatives of other Powers', and the Iraqi government undertook to request a British advisory military mission and normally to engage in consultation with Whitehall, 'British subjects when in need of the services of foreign officials'. The twenty-five year treaty, which became operative on Iraq's admission to membership in the League of Nations on 3 October 1932, proved vital to the United Kingdom in the Near and Middle East campaigns of World War II.
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