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Perspectives of the Kurdish knot in the Middle East

100%
Tillo K., Tillo K.
Przegląd Narodowościowy – Review of Nationalities
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2018
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vol. 8
119-132
EN
For centuries, Kurds have been carrying out activities aimed at obtaining their own state. Due to the cooperation of Turkey, Iraq, Iran and Syria, it was impossible in the twentieth century. As a result of Operation Desert Storm, a Kurdish enclave was created in the north of Iraq, which over the years developed and allowed for real dreams of recognized independence, at least for some of the Kurds living in the Middle East. A&er the overthrow of Saddam Hussein and the withdrawal of US troops from Iraq in 2011, there was a political vacuum in which we observe the weakening of the Iraqi state, the outbreak of the Arab Spring and the emergence of the Islamic State, which also had direct consequences for the Kurds. The weakness of the central government in Baghdad, the need to fight the Kurdish army against IS fighters raised the importance of arguments for the proclamation of an independent Kurdish state in the Middle East, or maybe even two, including the possible division of Syria.
2
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The Middle East in American media: a 21st century overview

100%
Al Sharafat A.
Polish Journal of Political Science
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2019
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vol. 5
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issue 1
35-58
EN
This study chronicles the portrayal of the Middle East in various American media that have received scholarly attention, centering on the print and broadcast media. The time frame of the media review in the United States towards the Middle East is from the September 11th attacks in 2001 until 2019. The article draws on the theory of orientalism to reveal a facet of the media that perpetuates false stereotypes of the Middle East as a threat to US interests, culture, and security. It finds that although the media in America have paid detailed attention to many issues in the Middle East during the last two decades, there are grounds to assume they have failed to comprehend the sociopolitical and economic reasons behind such issues. The coverage of the Middle East in American media during the 21st century has paralleled the government’s official viewpoints and interests in the region.
3
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Rozwój towarzystwa salezjańskiego w latach 1888-1910

75%
Niewęgłowski J.
Seminare. Poszukiwania naukowe
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2013
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vol. 34
219-230
EN
The nineteenth century was a very difficult period in the history of Italy (wars, revolutionary movements). These events all contributed to the great impoverishment of Italian society. Many people undertook a number of preventive measures in the field of education in order to make the situation better for the young. Father John Bosco was one of them. From 1841 to 1844, he worked as a chaplain in one of Turin’s prisons in which juvenile delinquents were serving prison sentences. Working with them strengthened Fr. Bosco’s conviction that everything should be done to prevent young people from going to prison. With this goal in mind, John Bosco established various institutions which gave youth a roof over their heads and the opportunity to learn a profession. He also created his own system of education, which he called a preventive system, based on reason, religion and love. Italian society, European countries, and many countries worldwide turned to Fr. Bosco and asked for the Salesians to start educational work. This article presents the development of the Salesian Society in the field of social work and education during the years in which Fr. Michael Rua was Superior General of the Salesians and first successor of John Bosco.
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Insecurity in the Middle East: Why Do the Reformist Movements Constantly Fail? Towards a New Conceptual Framework

63%
Bagheri Dolatabadi A., Shafie Seifabadi M.
Przegląd Strategiczny
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2022
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issue 15
169-186
PL
W ciągu ostatnich trzech dekad kraje Bliskiego Wschodu często były świadkami powszechnych protestów przeciwko reżimom autorytarnym. Pytanie brzmi, dlaczego te protesty nigdy nie przynoszą pożądanego rezultatu? Niezależnie od roli, jaką odgrywają podmioty zagraniczne w utrwalaniu autorytarnych reżimów na Bliskim Wschodzie, wydaje się, że tym, co powoduje, że protesty nie są wszechobecne, a infrastruktury polityczne nie upadają, jest fakt, że protesty nie zostały poparte przez większość narodu. W niniejszym artykule dowodzimy, że taki brak poparcia związany jest z fundamentalną przyczyną, którą nazwaliśmy cyklem strachu. Cykl ten obejmuje strach mas przed reżimem, strach przed porażką ruchu i jej strasznymi konsekwencjami oraz strach przed systemem politycznym, który ma dojść do władzy po obaleniu urzędującego rządu. Ważną rolę w tworzeniu i utrwalaniu tego strachu oraz przekształcaniu go w panikę pełnią rządy.
EN
Over the last three decades, the Middle East countries have frequently witnessed popular protests against the authoritarian regimes. The question is why these protests never come to a desirable end? Regardless of the role played by foreign actors in perpetuating the authoritarian regimes of the Middle East, it seems that what causes the protests not to be pervasive and the political infrastructures not to collapse is that the protests have not been supported by the people’s majority. The present article argues that such a dearth of support refers to a fundamental cause that we named the fear cycle. This cycle includes the masses’ fear of the regime, fear of the movement’s failure and its dire consequences, and fear of the political system that is supposed to come to power after the overthrow of the incumbent government. The governments have an important role in creating and perpetuating this fear and turning it into a panic.
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