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EN
Turkey has a developed banking sector which has a very important place in Turkish economy. Internet banking applications started in 1997. Though it does not have a long history it has a very huge potential in the Turkish market. The aim of this paper is to explore if demographical factors are important in identifying the target customers for internet banking; to identify the perception of consumers regarding the attributes of internet banking usage; and to check if consumers perceive internet banking as a useful alternative channel. For this, an empirical research was conducted on 506 internet users over the age of 18, and two different clusters of non-users of internet banking and three different clusters for users of internet banking were identified, based on the demographic characteristics of respondents, which could be a valuable tool for marketing managers for identifying their segmentation and positioning strategies. Five factors were found to be as attributes of internet banking usage. Among the five factors, “security and trust” was found to be the factor that had the highest factor load for Internet banking usage. Finally, the discriminant analysis carried out reveals clues for bank managers about how to identify potential Internet bank users.
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Physical Education in Turkey

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By the establishment of a special unit established within the Ministry of Education, called the “Maarif-I Umumiye Nezareti” [1] in 1871 and the reforms emerged in 1924 when the tasks of this special unit were taken by the Ministry of Education itself have triggered numerous variations on physical education teacher’s education. In Turkey it has been possible to study physical education in order to give lessons at schools since 1915, yet only male students above 18 have been permitted to these studies [10]. Between 1908 and 1920 there was another reform of physical education and as a consequence of Selim Sırrı Tarcanin’s efforts physical education at schools became much more important than before. In 1933 an institute for the education of physical education teachers was established at the college of education in Ankara, where female students were admitted access for the first time. Then, some additional sports academies were founded during the 1970’s and 1980’s. Between 1975–1976 the very first implementation of physical education in universities has been realized by Ege University through its Sports Academy. In 1982, physical education studies into the curriculum of common universities were reintegrated so that now there are 65 institutes for physical education at all of the country’s universities [4]. The candidates who want to study PE teacher’s education at universities are tested for specific criteria as their physical appearance and their basic skills in athletic games and gymnastics. If these students are accepted to this programme, they will be garanted a four-year bachelor degree including a schedule above 140 credits with the aim of being a physical education teacher [5].
EN
The article scrutinises the economic relations of Poland and Turkey, two growing emerging markets. It examines both the current level of economic trade, as well as the potential for enhancing the economic partnership in such areas as innovation, trade, energy, and cooperation in third markets. The article contends that the prospects for boosting economic cooperation are linked to political collaboration and are dependent upon geopolitical factors.
EN
In the article was analyzed Turkish policy to Iran. In the last decade Turkey established regular relations with increasing trade exchange volume. In 2010 Turkey and Brazil proposed a plan for solution Iran’s nuclear deadlock. Although, a plan was not accepted by the Western powers at present in dealing with Iranian nuclear crisis Turkish role as a reliable mediator should be greater.
PL
W artykule przeanalizowano turecką politykę wobec Iranu. W ostatniej dekadzie relacje irańsko-tureckie dynamicznie rozwijają się. W 2010 r. Turcja wraz z Brazylią zaproponowały plan rozwiązania irańskiego kryzysu nuklearnego. Mimo, że plan z różnych względów nie powiódł się, stanowił jednak przykład, że Turcja może odegrać jeszcze istotną rolę w negocjacjach z Iranem.
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Polonezköy

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EN
There is a village on the Asian shore of the Bosphorus, initially called Adampol, but now known as Polonezköy. The Polish village is located 40 km. east of Istanbul, and was established by Poles in the nineteenth century as a shelter for the country’s immigrant community. This bound the destinies of many Poles with Turkey in the nineteenth century. Once people described the village „Soplicowo on the Bosporus”. Although the Polish village in Turkey has lost much of its original character through time, it remains one of the most extraordinary centres of Polish immigrants in the world (Wyszynska, 2016). This paper analyzes the main problems in Polonezköy and investigates how Polonezköy takes an important place in bilateral relations between Turkey and Poland.
EN
The 2000/2001 Turkish crisis was one of the most impressive crises that hit the emerging market economies in the late 90s. The characteristic of this crisis is not only its violence but also its suddenness. We observe two rapid crisis sequences which are different from recent financial crisis examples. The analysis of the Turkish crisis in the literature generally presents an analytical aspect that only relates the stylized facts of the crisis omitting a strong econometric basis. This paper goes further: it presents two models (OLS and Logit) which will test the implication level of the macroeconomic and financial variables in the outbreak of the crisis.
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EN
Housing sector have an important size in economic activities of Turkey. This sector could absorb an important size of skilled and unskilled unemployed. Furthermore, decreasing rents would cause an increase in household savings because of lightening their basic expenditures. Therefore, having knowledge about the dynamics of housing prices is very crucial for economic policymakers. In this paper, the dynamics between house prices and macroeconomic variables including inflation, interest rate, unemployment and real domestic product are studied. Despite the well-known fact that macroeconomic variables possess asymmetric and nonlinear features, many studies about the dynamics of housing prices has been tested only within a linear framework. Therefore, in this paper non-linear autoregressive distributed lag (NARDL) model is used to explore asymmetrical relations in the long-run. Despite to most researches in this field, the effect of interest rate found with a negative sign. Negative effect of both nominal interest rate and inflation on housing prices alongside of greater impact of inflation in comparison with nominal interest rate, would cause the long-run coefficient of real interest rate be positive. Forethought can explain of the positive relation of the unemployment rate and housing prices.
EN
The article focuses on the potential for Turkish–Polish cooperation on defining and countering international terrorism with reference to how the security and defence interests of both countries converge in terms of their strategic partnership at the EU Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) and NATO levels and how this convergence might trigger the next phase of bilateral partnership under the umbrella of the International Criminal Court (ICC). First, the current state of the international crime of terrorism in relation to the ICC will be explored; second, Turkey’s attempts to incorporate terrorism into the ICC framework will be discussed; third, the role of Poland as a member of both the EU and NATO will be outlined; and finally, the potential cooperation between Turkey and Poland on defining international terrorism will be discussed. It argues that Poland, a state party to the ICC, can encourage Turkey’s ratification of the Rome Statute by fostering a dialogue on the untapped potential of defining and countering terrorism through the mechanisms and processes of international criminal law institutionalised in the ICC.
EN
This paper depicts the dynamics of the EU-Turkey relations beginning from the signing of the association agreement, i.e. the Ankara contract, to date. In addition, it aims to specify the factors preventing the bilateral collaboration and achievement of EU membership as aspired to by Ankara. The paper focuses on both the internal and international problems arising on Turkey's path to EU membership, namely, the westernisation trend originating from Kemal Ataturk times, recent developments in Turkey, the democratisation of political institutions, the rule of law and protection of human rights, regional security, Turkey's part in the refugee crisis, visafree travel, Greek-Turkey relationships, Ankara's stance towards Cyprus, the Kurdish problem, and the Turkey-US and Turkey-Russia relationships. The authors discuss the EU Member States' attitude towards the political and socio-economic developments in Turkey and the way Ankara looks at the requirements put forward by those Member States. We suggest several methods of rapprochement and brighter bilateral prospects.
EN
This study considers Russian-Turkish relations within the context of the Syrian war. We elaborate on both Russia’s and Turkey’s strategies and their understanding of the Syrian War, and consider how the two countries have managed to stay on the same page despite conflictual strategies and geopolitical interests in Syria. The current literature does not address this question and does not thoroughly compare their actions and engagements in the field. This article aims to clarify Turkey-Russia relations in the Syria and provides evidence of how they are in conflict and cooperate at the same time. In this regard, it is argued that the available evidence indicates that Turkey-Russia relations in Syria operate on the “compartmentalisation” strategy. In order to test this argument, the qualitative research method based on secondary resources is used while the theoretical framework previously formulated by Onis and Yilmaz (2015) is adopted. They conceptualise Turkey-Russia relations as if they do “compartmentalise economic issues and geopolitical rivalries in order to avoid the negative spillover of certain disagreements into areas of bilateral cooperation.” Furthermore, they claim that compartmentalisation can be hindered if there are deepening security concerns in an area like Syria. However, this article underscores that compartmentalisation does not only work by separating the economic issue from geopolitical rivalries; it also makes Turkey and Russia able to cooperate and conflict in a specific and fundamentally conflictual geopolitical issue such as Syria. The convergences and divergences that occurred in the Syrian field are conceptualised under the strategy of compartmentalisation. In this context, the cooperation – the signed agreements and established mechanisms, conflicts, and clashes in the field, are acknowledged as the consequences of the compartmentalisation strategy in Syria. The compartmentalisation strategy is specifically used in Syria in order to avoid the negative impacts of direct clashes in bilateral cooperation and agreements. It can therefore be concluded that the deepening divergence in security related issue does not necessarily prevent compartmentalisation; on the contrary, compartmentalisation paves the way for stabilisation of such deepening divergence.
EN
Purpose - The CRM sector represents the quality of a company. The quality of a company might be evaluated by taking the services of a call center as a measure by the customers, because CRM is the most interactive point of the operations of all companies. Call centers represent companies with 24/7 service. Companies have to search for ways to increase the quality of their service and CRM. Call center companies started to move to Anatolia in response to government incentives. The purpose of this study was to examine the results of this change. Design/methodology/approach - Bank call centers in large cities and Anatolian bank call centers are compared. SERVQUAL is used to compare the service quality of the call centers. 100 questionnaires are used to evaluate the services of the bank call centers and 100 customers are interviewed. The banks with Anatolian call centers and the banks without Anatolian call centers are compared to each other by using the results of the interviews and questionnaires. Findings - The service quality of the call center of the banks with Anatolian call centers seems to be higher than those without them. Practical implications - The reason for the better performance of Anatolian bank call centers can be explained by using some observations. These reasons can be taken into account by CRM companies to provide better service. Originality/value - This paper is proof of that CRM agents are affected by stress factors and their environment. Therefore, stress levels have to be decreased for employees for better service. Selecting a good location is the most important step in diminishing stress levels.
EN
The article analyzes anti-Turkish Media-campaign broken out by major Russian TV channels after the November 24, 2015 incident when Russian bomber Su-24 while carrying out its task in the northern part of Syria was shot down by Turkish F-16. The author shows methods of creating enemy image and considers aims and results of respective propaganda campaign. The article tries to estimate consequences of cooling in Russian-Turkish relations including the effectiveness of admitted retaliatory military and economic sanctions against Turkey. It is concluded that there are very serious misunderstandings between countries regarding the future of Syria and their positions in the Middle East region. It might lead to a repeat of crisis such the world faced with after the Su-24 incident, though Russian and Turkish governments have learned their lessons and have become more cautious. They will try not to push the matter through and launch straight-line collision.
RU
В статье анализируется антитурецкая кампания, которую ведут главные российские телеканалы после инцидента 24 ноября 2015 года, когда российский бомбардировщик Су-24 был сбит ракетой с турецкого истребителя F-16 во время выполнения задания в северной части Сирии. Показана техника создания образа врага, а также цель и результаты этой пропагадистской кампании. Автор поста- рался оценить результаты охлаждения российско-турецких отношений, а также эффективность введения политических и экономических санкций относительно Турции. Он пришел к выводу, что между странами существуют серйозные про- тиворечия в понимании их позиции на Ближнем Востоке и будущего Сирии. Это грозит повторением кризисных ситуаций, похожих на инцидент с Су-24, не смот-ря на то, что правительства России и Турции сделали выводы после этого случая, стали более осторожными и будут стараться не перейти к прямой конфронтации.
EN
This study aims to assess Turkey's position relative to European countries with respect to the optimum currency areas (OCA) criteria, taking Germany as the center country and employing Mahalanobis distance as a similarity measure. To this end, we followed a novel approach in the application of Hodrick-Prescott and Baxter-King filters to the industrial production series and the real interest rates under three cases. We then computed OCA similarity indices, calculated countries' similarities with respect to Germany and their nearest neighbors, and compared the results. Our results show that Turkey is the second furthest neighbor country to Germany after Croatia in the first two cases. However, Turkey is the third furthest country to Germany after Norway and Romania in the third case
EN
Turkey has been waiting nearly 30 years in front of the European door, kept slightly ajar. While European Union lacks a clear long-term stategic vision of cooperation with Turkey, Ankara undergoes a metamorfosis from an „EU or death” attitude to a strong anti-UE rhetoric and authoritarian tendencies. Yet, no matter how reluclant to admit it both sides are, Ankara and Brussels still mutually need each other. Thus, Europe must realize the necessity of rethinking its approach towards Turkey. Otherwise it risks losing not only Turkey, but, paradoxically, also Ukraine.
EN
A translation of a novel by Hatice Meryem "Me and my misery companion, Turkey".
EN
This study investigates the wage diefrential and discrimination between genders in Turkey based on data taken from the nationally representative Turkish Household Labour Survey for 2002 to 2019. The Blinder-Oaxaca decomposition technique was used which was then integrated into the Heckman's selection correction procedure. It was found that the gender wage gap is small in the Turkish labour market, while most of this gap originates from the discrimination against women. In addition ignoring the occupational and sectoral effects on the gender wage gap could result in underestimation of the discrimination effects both directly and indirectly through higher human capital of female employees. Lastly all these indicate that the results could likely be specific to the data set.
EN
This study aims to analyse the perceptions of Russia in Turkey and Poland comparatively. It examines how Russia is perceived by the public in both countries and at various policy levels. In addition, the similarities and differences in Polish and Turkish policymaking and outcomes in terms of the “Russian factor” will be analysed. As Russia has been one of the most important external factors in Turkey’s and Poland’s foreign policy, it is especially difficult to analyse foreign policy issues without taking the Russian factor into account. Historically and politically, Russia has been at the top of threat perceptions in both countries. On the other hand, in focusing on policy outcomes with regards to geopolitics and balance of power, it is obvious that Russia is always in the picture as a factor, as a partner or a threat. In this context, the background of the perception of Russia in these countries’ societies and in their politics will be evaluated first. Then, the similarities, differences and sources of these perspectives will be analysed.
EN
In the first decade of the twenty-first century, Turkey strengthened its international position in the region, implementing a policy of ‘zero problems with neighbours’. Strengthening the country’s position in international rela-tions meant that Turkish politicians have fallen into self-admiration, classifying their state as a kind of regional power and hoping that they can impose a vision of building a new political structure in the region. Prime Minister Erdoğan, however, broke the principle of ‘zero problems’ and his international activities have embroiled Turkey in many international problems, as a result of which the country has fallen into isolation. The government in Ankara is in conflict or has bad relations with: Egypt, Syria, Iran, Iraq, Israel, Armenia, and Cyprus. This article presents the most important international problems of Turkey with its selected neighbours – Greece, Cyprus and Armenia.
EN
This paper discusses in a critical way how the regional area is conceptualized in the Tenth Development Plan of Turkey (2014–2018). The Tenth Plan introduced in 2014 considerably rests on the strategic framework of the preceding Ninth Development Plan (2007–2013). The regional area in Turkey was and is a strategically ambiguous area where the delineation efforts were mostly devoted to the concerns of public administration and territorial sovereignty rather than functional regionalization. The treatment of the regional area in the Tenth Plan seems to confirm this premise. Here, the main topics of the analysis involve new institutional bodies and governance, new and old policy tools of development planning and sustainable development as well as a territorial statistical system. These three analytical areas will be elaborated on by the relevance to geographical representation system, spatial setting and hierarchy. In that vein, the paper attempts to develop a somewhat different view of the development planning in Turkey by focusing on the treatment of the regional area and the spatial context in the latest development plan.
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EN
An unsuccessful military coup d’etat took place in Turkey in 2016. The government in Ankara recognized a representatives of Hizmet Movement guilty of carrying it out. In retaliation they has begun actions to bring them to the court and at the same time criminalize an activity of their organization in Turkey. Ankara government demanded also the limitation of the functioning Hizmet supporters abroad. On the other hand, the key is the fact, that all the activities of Hizmet Movements all around the world has been a part of Turkish public diplomacy. So the ban of an activities of the organization abroad would affect both the Hizmet Movement and Turkish state. The article contains an explanations of the origin of the Hizmet Movement and it forms of activities, especially in Poland. There are also pointed out the possible consequences that the government in Ankara may face in the field of public diplomacy underestimating the role of this non-governmental organization which also had shaped the image of Turkey.
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